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60001 0424H 



VOL. I. 


CaDofif «10» Vrotone, IHrinUrt , <S)x(brlr. 








MStn naorsMOR of mistory in tbi u3>iver«ty of oosrrvtr.t^, 







6ki«bsal Introduction to the wholk Work 
General Introduction to this Volume . 




CifAP. I. Foimation and Situation of the Cartliaginian 

Dominions in Africa ...... 26 

Cqap. iL Foreign PossessionB of the Cartliaginians. 

1. Provinces •-.*,. 61 

2. Colonies fl9 

Chap. III. Cartbaginian Government . . .105 
Cif AP. IV. Public Revenue of Curthage . . .143 
Chap. V. Navigation and Maritime Commerce of Car- 
thage , . isa 

CaAP. VI. Land Trade of Carthage . . . . I79 

Chap. VIL War Forces of Carthage . 242 

Chap. VIII. Decline and Fall of Carthage . 261 


Geographical Survey of the Ethiopian Na- 

Chap. I ^ 

tions 289 

Chap. IL The State of Meroe and its Monuments . 339 
Chap. IIL Commerce of Merol? and Ethiopia . 437 

I. Aristotle upon the Carthaginian Government 


II. Commercial Treaty between Rome and Carthage 
concluded in the year 609 B. C 485 



III. Second Commercial Treaty concluded between 
Rome and Carthage in the year 348 B. C. . .488 

IV. Treaty concluded between Hannibal, general of 
the Carthaginians, and Philip, king of Macedonia, 

in the fourth year of the Punic War, 215 B. C. .489 

V. The Voyage of Hanno, king of the Carthaginians, 
round the parts of Libya beyond the Pillars of Her- 
cules, which he deposited in the temple of Cronos . 492 

VI. Fragments of the Account given by the Cartha- 
ginian commander Himilco of the Countries of Eu- 
rope beyond the Pillars of Hercules; from Rufus 
Fesius Avienus Ora Maritima . ' . . 502 

VII. Fragments of the Works of Mago on Husbandry 508 

VIII. The Genealogy of the ruling houses of Carthage 520 

IX. New discoveries in Africa, Course of the Niger, 
etc End of Vol. II.» 

* This Appendix (neyer before pablished) was not raceired from Pro- 
fessor Heeien till this volume was finished. 


h the excellence of the work now presented to the 
English reader little needs be said in this preface. 
The name of its author iias long been most honourably 
connected with the literature of Germany and of Eu- 
rope* His works have been pillaged to furnish matter 
fof almost every respectable literary periodical of the 
age. This portion of them, in particular, has been 
described by a writer in one of the leading critical 
journals of this country, as, ** a work of the very 
highest rank among those with which modem Ger- 
many has enriched the literature of Europe '." The 
same writer adds : ** This author unites the laborious 
erudition of his countrymen, with that animatitig spirit 
of real genius, which disposes into harmonious order, 
and quickens into life that which, in meaner hands, 
lies in dull and heavy masses of unintelligible or at 
least unattractive learning/' In these sentiments the 
translator of the following pages fully concurs. So 
long indeed as the sage institutions of ancient nations 
ahall find admirers; so long as the investigation of 
their policy, commerce, colonics, and legislation shall 
be considered as the proper training for eminence in 
our own courts of law and legislative assemblies ; so 
long indeed as that sacred book, the Bible, shall be 

TheQuARTEitLv EfcviEw, No. LXXXV. 


regarded as the foundation of our civility, our morals, 
and our hope ; so long must the work now presented 
to the English reader be known and appreciated. 

In the review which the autlior takes of tlie Cartha- 
ginian state, we see a remarkable instance of the power, 
the opidence, the grandeur, and the poHtical importance 
to which a nation may rise by commerce and naviga- 
tion alone; and England, which in so many striking 
particulars resembles Carthage, may read an instruc- 
tive lesson in her decline and fall, occasioned as it was 
by the corruption of her government, the factious spirit 
of her aristocracy, the failure of her navy» and the de- 
generacy of her citizens. 

In the profound dis^iuisition on the Ethiopians we 
see the whole framework of the powerful govern- 
ment of the Pharaohs, in connection with the the- 
ocracy and its agents the priest caste, traced up 
to its primary elements. Here again we see, in 
its monuments and temples, the archetypes of the 
stately edifices and the religion of Egypt, Here too 
arc traced along the two banks of the Nile, from 
Memphis to Meroe, city after city — ^the temples of 
gigantic magnitude,— the grottoes or sepulchres hewn 
out of the solid rock, with colossal statues as their 
guardians: — all these arc so exhibited before us — ^in 
such order and connection — as to prove that civilha- 
tion descended with the Nile from the south ; and that 
the same religion, the same arts, the same institutions, 
manners, and civihty, prevailed from almost the sources 
of that river till its junction with the Mediterranean. 
The learned author portrays commerce as the parent 
of such civiliÄation, religion as its nurse, and the distant 
regions of the south as its cradle. He compares Hero- 
dotus with the Sacred Writings, and describes ** Ethi- 
opia, the most distant region of the earth, whose inha- 
bitants are the tallest, most beautiful, and long-lived 
of the human race^,'* as '* the Sabean», the men of 


•latnre,** of one prophet % and as *• the mighty meo — 
the Etliiopianfi that handle the shield, of another^; 
and in other instances throws a considerable li^ht on 
the sacred text. 

In the researches on the primeval and mysterious 
Egypt is laid before us a concise but clear sketch of 
the first attempts at writing, together with the disco- 
veries of Young and Champollion in deciphering hiero- 
glyphics — the land and its inhabitants — their divisiona 
— their occupations — their literature— their religion, 
their laws and polity: — and, finally^ the wonders of that 
land of marvels — its pjTamids, its majestic and solemn 
temples — the stupendous colossi and monuments of the 
hundred-gated Thebes, are exhibited before us. 

Considering the very interesting nature of these sub- 
jects, and the ability and leanving displayed by Pro- 
fessor Heeren in their investigation and illuBtration, 
it is truly a matter of surprise that such a work has not 
before been made accessible to the English reader. 

No one wishes more sincerely than he wlio has made 
this attempt, that it had been done by some one bet- 
ter qualified for the office. The translation was begun 
oerely as a literary exercise, without any view to pub- 
lication ; and was continued solely from the interesting 
oature of the work, and the pleasure felt in its per- 

Of the high qualiiRcations enumerated by a writer in 
the Qnarterhj Rernnv as necessary for the proper per- 
funnance of this task, but few are possessed by him who 
has undertaken it '. Nevertheless, he still hopes that 

' Iaaub, xlv. 14. 

* jF.REMlAtf. Xlvi» 9. 

« " We would gladly tee the whoJe work made acce«ib!c to llje Kng- 
\uh reader ; bui U wuuld refiuWo no ©rdinary actompli«kmeoU to do so. 
Oriental, classicalj and inodern Jangut^ges raust be alike familiar to the 
person who ihoald undertake the task," Quartfrftf Revietv, No. LXXXV. 
p. 118, DOtc. The tniüBktor cantiol hut cougratttlatc the public upon the 
able hands which the rcmainifig part« of this work arc now iti. 




what he has done will be found to be a correct v 
üion of the German : and he is led to state this with 

more confidence from its liaving received the sanction 
and commentlation of Professor Heeren himself. That 
learned fjeiitleman, at the request of the publisher of 
these volumes, kindly took upon himself the task of 
reading over the sheets before publication — a task to 
which his knowledge of the English language rendered 
him competent, and which the numerous corrections 
he has made, show him to have executed with much 
care and attention. Soon after the first thirteen sheets 
had been transmitted to him, the learned author 
writes, '* I have read them with attention, and attest 
that they arc made with a due knowledge of the two 
languages, and with all the accuracy which I could 
desire, I should be well content if the continuation 
should be executed with the same diligence ; and if 
the whole of my works should be presented in this ■ 
form to the English public," In a letter received a 
few days since, contaiijing the Professor's corrections 
and emendations of the whole of the first volume and 
the principal part of the second, together with the 
Appendix IX to the first volume, which has never ^ 
before been published, he again expresses his appro- I 
bation of the English version. A considerable part 
of the first volume was also revised by a gentle- 
man distinguished for his accomplishments, and his 
liigh attainmehts in Classical and German Literature, 
whose name (were I at liberty to mention it) would 
give the reader entire confidence in this part of the 

Besides the Appendix just mentioned, there is pre- 
fixed to this translation the General Introduction 
of the author to his Reflections upon the Nations of 
Antiquity, which, in the German, is found at the be- 
ginning of the volume on the Persians. It has been 
thought proper to prefix it to these volumes, as con- 


tainixig a concise and general development of the first 
rise of states and governments ; of the influence of re- 
ligion in their fonnation, and of its beneficial eüects 
itfKMi legislation ; of the origin of commerce, and of ita 
o&pring, civilization, navigation, and Hiiance. These 
particulars are so skilfully grouped« so luminously dis- 
phyed, and the whole finished with so much judgment 
and taste» that it altogether forms an historical chef 

The translator regrets the necessity of adding a list 
of eiTSta* ni health, and consequent absence from 
Oxford while the work was in progress, are the only 
apology he has to offer for these and any otlier ble- 
mishes wliich may be found in the work. 

Although the business of translating be perhaps 

tile most humble connected with Uterature, yet some 

jl anxiety is naturally felt for the success of what has 

cost us much labour. From this feeling the translator 

^H of the present work does not profess to be exempt : 

^fpci'iisp^ it is increased by this being tlie first literary 

lUempt he has offered to the public. Nevertheless, 

H he has aimed at nothing beyond clothing the ideas 

^^flf another in an Mnglish dress, he expects no higher 

^Bmise than that of having executed his task with fi- 

^tklity, and of having by so doing contributed his 

fehle efforts for the advancement of knowledge. 


In the Appendix vi. vol. i. 1 have given the original 
atin as well as an EngUsh version of the portions of 
Avienus, which Prof. Heeren has translated into Ger- 
man. The description given by Heeren of the early 
Carthaguiian voyages in the Atlantic Ocean, receive no 


small confirmation from the ancient traditions of the 
Irish. No one but a genuine Irish antiquarian would, 
of course, contend that the AnnaU collected by Keat- 
ingi Flaherty, and O'Connor, are to be received as 
iniphcitly as " Holy Writ," and no one but a confirmed 
sceptic would reject them as wholly unworthy of at- 
tention *. There is in all the varying accounts given 
by the Irish historians, one fact in which all the tra- 
ditions meet — that letters and some of the arts of civi* 
hzed life were brought to their country by a people 
called Phenians; by a change, which, as Faber re- 
marks, is very common in the traditions respecting the 
origin of nations, the people is sometimes spoken of as 
an individual, and the personified Phenius becomes 
the inventor of letters ' and the parent of civihzation. 
The route prescribed for the Phenians, or the descend- 
ants of the imaginary PheniuSj brings them from 
some part of the Levantine coast to the western Medi- 
terranean, and thence round Spain to the British 
islands. In the oldest legends no date is assigned to 
the successive steps of this migration, and the chrono- 
logy given by Keating and O'Connor is manifestly a 
clumsy forgery by the monks in the middle ages. 
Still there are some circumstances which would lead 
to the conclusion that the period when the Phenians 
came to Ireland, must have been nearly that which is 

* TvBNFfi, History of English MidäU Aget, \, 276, »ays, that of all 
their traditioDs, one of their inoit ancient and Ica&t inrüiional is that which 
deduces some part of iheit populalioD from Spain. — A Greek writer. Nen- 
nius, who wrote in llie uialh century, meolions this iradilion twice; and 
his account i!^ valunUle, as it shows that in the ninth century the Irish do- 
rived themselves from Spain, when they had no motive but their owü tradi- 
tions to do BO. 

' Much has been disputed about the Irish letter*. The BobeloUi cba- 
nctert, tfie Beth-lutsnon, Ogham, mid Ogham-Crdbh wriliog ; have been 
eagerly dilated on. But also it has been fancied that Fenius Farsadh, tlie 
pronepos of .Taphcl, tirst invented Itith letter*. Ti'mkubS MidäU Aga, 
vi, 277. 




^^M%Bed for the voyage of Himilco. Of these the 
^B mCMit nmmrkable is tiic tradition that a colony of Phe* 
^M mam worked the mines in the county ofWicklaw, and 
^H diai mother discovered metallic treasures at Killaniey. 
|H Nov tl is sufficiently well known, that the first mineä 
worked by the Poeni, «3 the Carthaginians should pro- 
perly be called, were those in Spain, and that tlie art 
of mining was brought there to some degree of i>erfec- 
Cioo about the time of Himilco's expedition. 

The appearance of the ancient shafts in different 
parts of Ireland is precisely similar to that which tra- 
vellers in Spain assure us is presented by the remain* 
sag traces of Carthaginian works ; the brazen instru- 
menta sometimes dug up in the Irish bogs, are found 
when asaayed to bave the same proportions of mixture 

I in the metals, as the Carthaginian relics discovered in 
Sicily and Italy ; and the shape of several ornaments 
found at various times is perfectly congruous to tbe 
description given of Carthaginian habits by the Ro- 
man biJitonans. Of the coincidences in language it is 
useless to speak, for the only relic of the Carthaginian 
tongue is so hopelessly cor^upt, that it may be wrested 
to support any system of which the wildest antiquarian 
ever dreamed. 

I The long disputed question of tbe Milesian settle- 
ment in Ireland may be then settled, if we suppose 
that the Phenians were a Carthaginian colony ; their 
acquiring the mastery of the country will not appear 
surprising when we reflect that a handful of English- 
men at the present moment rules over Hindustan ; and 
the pretensions of the Irish to remote antiquity and an 
eastern origin will appear to have resulted from tlie 
adoption of the traditions, which the colonies that in- 
H troduced letters, brought with them from the parent 
^"^ state. In these traditions no note was taken of time, 
no attempt made to separate what occurred in the 
earhcr steps of the migration from what happened in 


later periods. Hence room was afforded for the inven- 
tion of all the fabulous tales that the fancy of flattering 
genealogists and dreaming monks could invent; but 
all these leave unchanged the simple fact, that the 
Irish traditions invariably ascribe the introduction of 
letters and the arts to a colony called Phenians, and 
ascribe to that colony a route precisely coincident with 
the progressive course of the Carthaginians. 

Respecting the Cassiterides there are many interest- 
ing particulars in Turner's Anglo-Saxons (vol. i, p. 
51, etc.) to which the reader is referred. 

November, 1831. 


AlTHOUOU Modern history possesses great importance 
from our proximity in point of time to the actions it 
records, as well as their manifold relations to the age 
in which we Uve, yet on the other hand Ancient 
history is not without certain advantages peculiar to 
itself; which notwithstanding the many centuries that 
have intervened, confer upon its records the appear- 
ance, as it were, and the graces of a perpetual youth. 
The crowds of illustrious men conspicuous in its 
annals, as citizens, as statesmen, or as warriors» will 
never cease to have their admirers, and, it may be 
hoped, their imitators also ; and even if we admit that 
these heroes of past ages may have been indebted for 
part of their grandeur to the venerable mists of anti- 
quity through which we contemplate them, yet does 
Ancient history possess an incontestible advantage 
over that of Modt^rn times in the rich variety of the 
forms of government and polity which it unfolds to us. 
Modem history is confined to Europe, or, beyond those 
limits, to the colonial settlements of Europeans ; and 
consequently, throughout all its details relative to civi- 
lized nations, preserves an uniformity which is the ne- 
cessary result of the almost equal degree of refinement 
they have attained. This similarity of manners, arts, 
and rehgion, has, in some degree, given to mankind at 
lATge, as contemplated in these countries, the appear- 




ance of one mighty nation, which may be considered, 

POtttf tb stand i n g some subordinate dilferences^ as form- 
in^an uniform whole. How diflerent an aspect does 
the Old world present to us ! The most civilized na- 
tions of the eartli were not then, like those of modern 
Europe, the hnks of a general system ; were not pent 
up within one quarter of the globe, but dispersed 
through all the parts of it then known: lastly, they 
were not associated by the ties of a conmion reUgion. 
Every nation, in consequence, much more readily as- 
siuned and maintained a character peculiar to itself; 
a great diversity of governments grew up antl flou- 
rished together ; and thus it is that Ancient history, 
although many of our present constitutions were then 
unknown, enlarges the sphere of our obsei'vation, and 
aflbrds us, in the variety of the forms of government 
presented to our notice, practical lessons of political 

On the other hand, questions relative to the com- 
merce of ancient nations appear to he much less in- 
timately connected, than is the ease in modern timeS| 
with their political institutions; because commerce 
had not as yet excited in an equal degree the attention 
of their govermnents* Nevertheless, even at that time, 
there were states which in a greater or less degree 
owed their existence to commerce; and of which the 
institutions can be very imperfectly understood without 
a reference to this subject. We cannot however form 
a judgment on any individual question, till we shall 
have ascended so far in the history of Antiquity as to 
comprehend the whole extent of ancient conuuerce, 
with its principal characteristics, by the light of suci 
records as have been preserved to us. This will jus- 
tify the extensiveness of the present inquiries, which 
embrace the trade as well as the political constitutions 
of the ancient worUL Both these questions will be 
elucidated, according to the plan of the present work» 



the inquiries we shall pursue rcspectin;^ some of 

the noet proxuinent nations indkhluallij; but it ta ly» 

BcessATj to oWeT tirst some general observatioofi, wlncri 

• by devielopiiig certain principles, may contribute to 

iUastnlc the detail which follows» 

Nothing can, in itself, be more obscure «bun the 

I «question respecting the formation of states or civil 
Bociedes, (expres&ioiw which we may consider as synony- 
mous), and the causes of the diversity of form they 
have assumed ; but this question, which the very re- 
^ moteiiess of their origin and the want of credible in- 
^ formation renders so difficult, has been still more 
embarrassed by the practice of transferring to ancient 
times ideas drawn from the constitutions of existing 
nations, which are utterly inapplicable to those of 
Antiquity. The farther we advance in such investi- 
m% the more we shall have reason to be convinced, 
the origin of political constitutions was, at the 
exceedingly simple, and as far as possible from 
the eifect of deliberate intention or established 
nples; being much more the result of circumstances 
necesaity. It is seldom, however, that the history 
of r ' lids so far: but our observations on 

re still in their political infancy supply 
U8 with data respecting the progress of ancient nations, 
which we shall in vain expect from the history of the 
Utter*; nor was there ever a period when the oppor- 
tunities of making such observations were more copious 


• Anon^ the works illustralive of the hbtory and geography of nations 
wliick have appeared lince the lajst eUitioo of these Inquiries, deserve« to 
be roentiooe«! first : Montstlaht Elphinsto?«'» Accouni n/' tlit King' 
dim of Cabul and ilt Dtpendendes, London. Idl5 : the author of which 
had rittted Afghanistan, as ambassador at the court of CabuK The 
^Ai^tttU itt at present precisely in a trttmitioit-ftaU, half pa^storal aiid half 
^gncuUural. 1Vihe& of both classes live intermingled ; and in no part of 
^ world are there greater opportunities for studying with advantage the 
"«Uiiu» of civil fiwic'ty in iis infancy; re3j>ecling which ihe accoTOpliÄhcd 
author has aflbfdcd us deluiU a» authentic a& they are interesting. 



than at present. What then are the general conclu- 
sions to which such observations lead us, and how do 
they agree with the records which have been preserved 
to us in Ancient history ? 

The first bond of community existing among men 
was, beyond all question, the natural one of domestic 
ties. It is greatly to be doubted whether any people 
ever existed, among whom the law of marriage, or the 
domestic alliance of the two sexes, did not prevail ; 
and even if an instance or two could be cited, it may 
safely be pronounced that such a state of society 
would resolve itself into barbarism The very bond, 
however, of domestic society implied an inequality 
which was necessarily productive of authurity on the 
one hand and submission on the other. Among bar- 
barous nations the husbaFid is always the lord of his 
wife and of his children, so long as the latter are sup- 
ported by him ; and as the moral motives which should 
mitigate this authority are few and feeble, it is apt to 
degenerate into absolute despotism. His wife and his 
children are treated by the lordly savage as parts of 
his property ; and all the laborious occupations of the 
household or tlie field, and every task which does not 
demand courage as well as strength, are laid upon the 
females of the family. 

It cannot escape an attentive observer, that this 
sort of domestic tyranny, so early established and the 
fruitful source of so many evils, must also have been a 
serious obstacle to the establishment of a better order 
of things. By whatever means any thing like a ccnsii' 
iution may be effected, it presupposes the association 
and combination of a considerable number of separate 
families» Can it then be matter of surprise that we 
find so many abuses in civil constitutions, when their 
roots had already penetrated so deep into the domestic 
relations from which the latter were formed I 

This bond, however» of consanguinity, is much more 




extensive and powerful among savage tribes than 
among ciTiLized nations. The diflerent members of 
the family do not, as with us, devote themselves» as 
soon as they have attained n certain age, to various 
occupations in the world without, and thus separate 
frfun the parent-stock. All pursue the »aroe occupa- 
tion, whether it be hunting or the tending of cattle, 
[^nsequently the families remain united : they gra- 
ly form Tribes, and the Tribes — Nations. The 
ictiou of Tribes is universally prevalent, and no 
le%s influential among the savages of North America 
|«>r Australasia« than among the half-savage inhabitants 
►f Central Asia, or of the deserts of Arabia and Africa, 
members of the same tribe settle or migrate to- 
gether: and although the ürst formation of such bo- 
Hcteties was undoubtedly the effect of a law of Nature, 
^Byet their common interest must have confirmed and 
^strengthened the bond of union, as providing for their 
^Pmutual defence and security during their continual 
K petty wars. It is always the case that tribes of this 
sort are subjected to a despotic authority possessed by 
the head of their race ; who owes his power to the 
patriarchal privileges of his birth, and consequently is 
sometimes tempted to indulge it, till it becomes an op- 
pressive tjTanny :' at the same tmie that the dependents 
of other chiefs are nowise sufterers in their personal 
We must distinguish, however, between such patri- 

Iarchial authorities, prevalent among wandering tribes, 
and the civil and political constitutions which presup- 
pose settled habitations and territorial possessions. It 
is true that even the pastoral state of such tribes can 
hardly exist without the acknowledgment of certain 
laws of property: the herds, for instance, are consi- 
dered to belong to certain individuals, and occasionally 
the pastures to certain tribes ; but the occupations of 
such races of men, confined principally to the tending 


of cattle, are so exceedingly easy and simple^ that they 
fail to supply motives for the development of their fa- 
culties. The questions which arise among them re- 
specting their possessions are so little intricate, that 
the decision of the head of the tribe is ^uiiicient to 
compose all their ditferences respecting the grand 
controversy of Meum and Tmtm, Another state of 
things prevails when such wandering tribes obtain 
settled possessions, and the law of absolute proprietor- 
ship over certain lands and territories is introduced in 
favour of individuüls. It is not easiy to define in each 
instance, on historical grounds, how and when this 
came to pass : partly because our records rarely ascend 
so high» and partly because these changes rarely took 
place simultaneously, but for the most part gradually 
and insensibly. We may however allege a multitude 
of causes, connected with the climate, the nature of 
the soil, and the external relations of each nation, 
which contributed to effect this change, and will afford 
us abundant matter for observation. 

The consequence of this adoption of settled habita- 
tions w^as the establishment of towns and cities, which 
severally possessed their respective territory, of greater 
or less extent. The effect of the formation of 
communities of this sort was the commencement of 
certain relations between the inhabitants of the same 
place; and the outline, however rude, of something 
like a civil constitution. The unity of their interests 
and their common security, required that they sliould 
be governed by councils common to all, and guided by 
the same leader. The authority of the beads of tribes 
and families declined in the same proportion: because 
as these cities increased in population they gave occa- 
sion for a great diversity of arts and occupations, which 
facilitated the resort of strangers, and contributed to 
break through the distinctions of clan and tribe. 

Whatever may have been the original causes of the 



formation of such cities or communitieH, for the pre- 
^•ent inquiry one fact is amply sufficient, — tluit in seve- 
ral countries of the Old World, such as Egypt, Syria, 
Italy, etc., we find that cities existed at the earliest 
period to which our acquaintance with those countries 

Such an origin of civil government was the frefjuent 
and perhaps universal source of the constitutions which 
we denominate Repuhlican. To this inference we are 
led by all the evidence which Ancient history has pre- 
served to us ; without pretending to establish an hypo- 
thesis which might be made the basis of still broader 
conclusions. The fi'ee states of Antiquity, as far as we 
are acquainted with them, were nothing more than 
cities surrounded by their peculiar districts ; and this 
character they continued to preserve, whatever degree 
of pohtical consequence they may have subsequently 
attained. At the same time, the greatest differences 
prevailed with regard to the equality or inequality of 
rights enjoyed by the inhabitants of the country as 
compared with the citizens of the town. The Phceni- 
eian, Grecian, and Italian fi'ee states were of this de- 
scription. It is easy to conceive, from what has been 
adranced, how such a state of things may have com- 
menced and been established in a single city, or even 
throughout a territory of small extent, (though in this 
^8e there always previously existed, or was soon 
formed, some chief town) ; while it is very difficult to 
imagine how an entire nation, dispersed over an exten- 
sive tract of country, could fall at once upon the ex- 
I>edient of adopting a free civil constitution**. 
With respect to such constitutions, it is easy to see 

*" Tlie e tain pie of the Jewish coafederacy U not a proof to the cantraiy. 
The vniioQS tribes which composed it would have beea effectually dis- 
■ölvod ia a complete anarchy, if the establish ment of kingly power among 
them had aol contnbuted to hold them together. 



not only how, they came to be greatly diversified, bu^ 
also how some of them attained great importance, fl 
is true that their leading characteristics must always 
have continued essentially the same. When the state 
consisted of a nmnber of citizens possessing ec|ual 
rights, it was a necessary consequence that assemhUes 
should be convened from time to time to debate on 
their common interests. In such assemblies all the in- 
habitants of the same town or its territory, being mem- 
bers of the same community, were entitled to appear 
in person : and this circumstance may furnish us with 
an answer to the question, — How it came to pass that 
the Representative System, as it obtains among the 
moderns, continued so long unknown to the ancients I 
— Because the very forms and constitution of their ri|H 
publics, implying as they did a right of voting in per- 
son, excluded the idea of representation. For several 
reasons, however, it was found necessary to remedy 
the defects inherent in a form of government purely 
democratical, by establishing another councü, consist- 
ing of men of some experience, who might be coqfl 
stantly at band to supply the place of assemblies which 
could not be always held, and to decide questions of a 
nature remote from the apprehension of a popular 
meeting. Such a councd was formed under the name 
of a Senate, and consisted of the most considerable 
and most eicpericnced citizens, constitutnig a distinct 
and independent body. Finally, as the various de- 
partments of the administration demanded a number 
of special functionaries, it became necessary to create 
Magistrates, who were intrusted with a greater or lesa 
degree of authority according to circumstances. 

Such was necessarily the outline of the civil consti- 
tutions of all the ancient republics; Coraitia — ^a Senate 
— and Magistrates composing their principal parts. 
Yet, notwithstanding this general similarity, what a 
diversity of modifications may we expect to discover in 





them ! It is impossible that in any state an absolute 
equality should exist between its members. The un- 
avoidable differences of opulence and poverty will for 
the most part bring with them a political inequality 
also. The hereditary disposition of the more distin- 
guished families, to appropriate to themselves the ex- 
cJusi%*e possession of honours and offices necessarily 
tends to establii^h a patrician caste, which would 
engross the control of all public business« Id this 
manner the constitution would become more or les» 
amtocratic or democratic (to borrow the language of 
the Greeks) j and the same principles will serve to show 
how individuals also came to acquire an authority 
more or less arbitrary. Differences no less important 
would obtaui with respect to the senate, the number 
of it« members, as well as the number, the offices, the 
authority, and the denominations of the magistrates. 
An example of such diversities wc may remark in the 
free towns of Germany during the days of their liberty; 
and which is preserved in the few which still subsist, 
^o other country has borrowed so largely from the po- 
litical institutions of Antiquity, (as may be best seen by 
tracing back the history of such free towns for two or 
three hundred years), notwith&^tanding some diversities 
which it does not belong to this place to point out. 

Such republics were necessarily of small extent at 
their commencement : without however renouncing 
their original character, they were often enabled in 
various ways to extend the limits of their power and 
their territory, and even to become the mistresses of 
empires, as, for instance, Rome and Carthage. When 
several communities belonging to the same nation were 
situated near each other, they naturally formed a 
tnutual aUiance; especially when the pressure of 
enemies from without drove them to combine their 
means of resistance. In such cases it was natural that 
the most considerable state or city should place itself 



at the heatl of the confetleratioii, and assume a prece- 
dence, which almost necessarily degenerated into a 
species of domination; of which we see examples in 
the conduct of Rome towards the Latin states, of 
Tyre with respect to the Phccnician, of Thebes with 
respect to those of Bceotia, etc. Nevertheless, the in- 
ferior cities would still continue to lay claim to a cer- 
tain independence. In questions afiecting tlie whole 
confederacy, such as those of peace and war, the supe- 
rior state might sometimes carry its claims of prece- 
dence to the extent of an absolute supremacy; but so 
long as her general authority remained unquestioned, 
she did not much concern herself with the internal 
polity of the inferior states, or with matters which only 
affected them individually. Such a precedence enjoyed 
by the principal state will readily explain how cities, 
insignificant in themselves, were able to attempt and 
achieve conquests, aided in many cases by a combina- 
tion of favourable circumstances, with men of talent] 
and spirit at the head of affairs^ and enjoying the re- 
sources which their navigation, commerce, and mines 

But besides this class of states, whose origin and 
formation we have endeavoured to illustrate, Ancient 
history presents us with another totally difterent in all 
the circumstances of their creation and constitution, — 
in the (treat Mofwrcfiies of antiquity ; of which the 
origin was often no less rapid than their extent was 
enornKius. Some of I hem were of moderate size and 
consisted of a single people ; the power of their kings 
being derived from the ancient hereditary law of patri- 
archal authority. In this manner in Epirus, Mace- 
doni»! and elsewhere, the family of their native princet 
maintained itself on the throne. Others, however, 
(and those in every respect the most considerable), 
comprehended under one dominion a multitude of all 
nations and languages, It is not to be supposed that 



n number of independent nations should have voliintÄ- 
riJy submitted themselves to one, and it is, ä priori^ 
much more probable that such a state of things was the 
result, tor the most part, of the rapid growth and vic- 
torious progress of a conquering people. The sequel 
of these tnquiries will convince us, in the case of Asia, 
that such conquering nations, were for the most part, 
wanderers and shepherds, who forsook their own bar- 
ren abodes^ allured by the prospect of booty and the 
bope of possessing richer and better cultivated regions, 
^— which they overran, pillaged, and subdued. Even if 
^ptbese conquerors had been less barbarous than they 
were, it is obvious that the whole political condition of 
^uch monarchies was necessarily formed on a model 
totally ditferent from that which prevailed in republics, 
which owed then- existence to the erection of cities and 
establishment of communities, lu a kingdom founded 
upon the right of conquest the authority of the ruler 
»uld only be maintained by force of arms ; and even 
■if a military despotism in its fullest extent were not 
the consequence, it is obvicius that the constitution 

ImuRt partake of that character. An absolute monarchy 
is the inevitable result; sufficiently rigid to preclude 
«uch states from ever assiuning the character of free: 
luid tbis u^ay already serve to explain in part the re- 
markable contrast which the great Monarchies pre- 
sent, in their internal constitution and development, to 
the llepublics of antiquity. 

If we are not at liberty to affirm that all the anciL*nt 
L forms of government originated in the manner we have 
^K described ; it is at least certain that the greater num- 
' ber and the most powerful of the states then existing 
^ may be classed under one or other of these two de- 
^■ecriptions. Wlien we reflect, however, that all civil 
^■ftocietiesy which deserve the name, are associations of 
^■free men J — that it was not possible that any thing like 
JHilitical wisdom or sound philosophy should have re- 



gulated their first formation ; — that the very desire of 
security and nuttual defence which contrihuted to their 
creation was not likely to be at all times equally urgent, 
and might sometimes be forgotten, — when «11 these 
considerations present themsehes to the mind of the 
inquisitive historian he feels that, in the infancy of the 
human race, such communities could not have been 
held together except by a more durable and powerful 
bond timn all of these, — that of Reiigion, There is 
no conclusion which political history supplies more 
remarkable than this : tliat the farther we advance in 
the history of any nation the greater becomes the in- 
fluence of religion in state aflairs: and it is the more 
necessary to advert to this early combination of Reli- 
gion with Polity, because many circumstances in the 
following inquiries can only be illustrated by refer- 
ring to such an union. On the present occasion I use 
the terai Religion to express the barbarous reverence 
which uncivilized nations have always paid, by certain 
rites and customs, to imaginary deities ; under Whatever 
form they may have been represented or conceived to 
exist. Whether there may or may not exist some 
tribes among whom no traces of religion, (in the above 
sense of the word), can be discovered, is a question 
which has not been perfectly ascertained, and which, 
in the present case, is immaterial j since, even if such 
exist, they form at all events exceptions of the rarest 
occurrence. Now to convert such a religion into a 
bond of political union, it is only necessary that it 
should possess in each nation or tribe a national cha- 
racter, as is generally the case j since, as is proved by 
a multitude of examples, every nation is easily led to 
adopt certain gods as its tutelary and peculiar deities. 
Such an idea, — of a tutelary deity the common protec» 
tor of the whole nation ,^ — is obviously an invisible bond 
of interest and alliance. From being an invisible bond 
of union it is calculated to become a visible one also, 



and in this respect is especially influential. As aoon 

as the worship of their deities became connected with 

some particular spot, and took place in some national 

teniple or sanctuary, with public festivals at which 

all the nation and only that nation assisted, — so soon 

was there established among them a principle of 

^^/Piiff/, independent of external circumstances, and al- 

^Hed to the innermost feelings of man. Of this wc find 

^Babundant confirmation in every page of Ancient 


^^ A state consisting of a single city with its petty ter- 
ritory, in which the very circumstance of its inhabitants 
living together establishes a strong bond of union, can 
better subsist without this tie of a common religion, 
though even in this case it can hardly be altogether 
dispensed with* But the absolute necessity for such 
an aUiance is best seen in the cases of confederations 
formed after the manner we have been describing. 
The very idea of combination implies a previous state 
of separation, and on this account extraordinary means 
are necessary to prevent the dissolution of the con- 

Ilfederacy and a return to the original condition. It may 
he added, that as every such association imposes on its 
members certain common burthens, there is a natural 
tendency on the part of the combined states to release 
themselves from such obligations, so soon as circum- 
stances may permit. What then shall insure the 
durabiUty of such aUiances ? It is true that the pres- 
sure of foreign enemies and the necessity for a com- 
bined resistance may effect iliis for a time, but such 
occasions are transitory : — even the influence of a pa- 
ramount authority can insure it only to a certain extent, 
and only while completely predominant: — Ucligion alone 
can maintain such an union, through the influence of 
common rites and temples, which confer an individuality, 
were, upon the nation ;^ — which appeal to the 
senses^ and the heart ; which distinguish that from all 



other nations, and by that very eircutnistanL'e infuse 
into it a spirit o{ nathmaUty, In this manner the tem- 
ple of the Tyrian Hercules became the centre of the 
Phoenician Leaguej — that of Jupiter Latialis of the 
Latin confederacy ; and thus it was that the Grecian 
states, discordant in their forms of government and 
disunited by frequent wars, yet felt themselves to be 
members of one community, when assembled to cele- 
brate the festival of the Olympian Jupiter. 

It is true that Rehgion can afford no such bond of 
union to a variety of nations of difterent origin and 
various creeds, who formed one mighty ma8S only in 
consequence of the superior power of their common 
conquerors. In as far indeed as the religion of the 
conquering nation superseded those of the conquered, 
it exercised of course a considerable but not an uni- 
versal influence ; but its principal efficacy in such 
cases consisted in its introducing legislation^ which 
opposed, as it were, some hounds to the overwhelming 
violence of military despots, and Hmited what it could 
not control. Legislation, to be effectual and to in- 
sure respect, demands the sanction ctf a higher autho- 
rity. Among nations which have already attained a 
certain degree of intellectual cultivation and political 
constitution, the laws, it is true, will of themselves 
command respect, because men have had time to be 
convinced that obedience is a duty ; but such senti- 
ments were not to be lonlvcd fpr amt^ng rude and uuedu* 
cated tribes, who were not disposed to venerate the 
laws, except as far as they were sanctioned by reli- 
gion. For this reason, in the earliest ages of anti- 
quity, civil institutions, no less than those which were 
of a character strictly religious, bore the impress of 
Religion; and even in the present day we see an ex- 
ample of it in the case of all those nations which own 
the authority of the Koran. Among the Greeks and 
Romans also, the enactments of Lycurgus and Numsi 



were sanctioned by the authority of the popular reli- 
gion. Such a state of things naturally causeil the 
establishment of a sacerdotal race, as a distinct order, 
or even caste, (the customs of the East differing in 
this re8|>ect from those of Greece and Rome), which 
necessarily attained the highest influence in political 
questions ; an influence tvhich although occasionally 
abused, was not without it» good effects in limiting the 
omnipotence of the monarch. Religion also prescribed 
certain ceremonies which all were equally bound to 

r observe; and the duty of observihg them, and tlie 
'fcrms they imposed, placed some salutary limits to the 
power of the sovereign. 
The above must be received as merely some gene- 
ral observations on the political constitutions of the 
Ancients, which in the sequel we shall have abundant 
occasion to apply to particular examples, A system 
of Polity, in the full sense of the term, is not the pro- 
per subject of researches which necessarily follow the 
r Bourse of History. Nevertheless, if I do not deceive 
myself, the remarks already offered suggest an expla- 
nation of some obscurities which, in the opinion of 
many of our Theorists, involve the first origin of civil 
society. We do not consider the formation of such so- 
cieties to be the result of a formal, social compact — the 
very idea of which is at variance with the condition 
of a people still in their infancy: — nor do we think 
that any thing like the fUscovery of a constitution took 
place at a definite period ; hut we believe it to have 
grown insensibly out of the exigences and the passionn 
of mankind. All this was so far from being the re- 
sult of Theory, that it is probable the notion of a 
theory never entered the heads of the first founders 
of states, whatever may have been thought of subse- 
quently; and in consequence of this want of system 
*t their commencement, the different fl:>rms of govern- 
a variety of character, which the Theo- 



rist finds it hard to reduce to the classifications of mo- 
dern systems. 

The origin of Commerce is involved in no less ob- 
scurity tlian that of Government. Though we may be 
convinced that in general it must have originated in the 
wants of mankind; and the consequent interchange of 
various commodities, yet many important questions still 
remain, which history cannot solve satisfactorily. For 
instance, we are either altogether ignorant or little 
less than ignorant, when and how men first came to 
convert simple barter to commerce, properly so called* 
by aflixing an adventitious value to the precious metals 
as measures of the price of a commodity; — how this 
arrangement became universal, and wliat were its 
earliest effects on commerce and civilization ; — when 
gold and silver were first stamped and became cur- 
rent as coinage, and how this discovery also was uni- 
versally disseminated ? Such inquiries are beside our 
present purpose, and would prol)ably be of httle utility, 
since all that can with any certainty be ascertained on 
these subjects has been already said* It will be a 
much more necessary and, it is to he hoped, a more 
profitable task, to take a general survey of Ancient 
commerce at the period of its greatest prosperity, and 
to point out ihe peculiarities by which, as regards its 
objects and institutions, it was distinguished from the 
commerce of modern times. 

It is obvious that so long as the fourth and largest 
quarter of our globe remained undiscovered, not only 
the direction, but the very character of commerce in 
general must have been essentially different from that 
of our own times. The three great continents of the 
Ancient world were not separated by the ocean, and 
either actually touched or nearly approached each 
other ; and the only sea wliich was interposed between 
them all (the Mediterranean), was of limited extent. 
Ulis occasioned the distinctive character belonging to 






the commerce of antiquity as compared with tliat of 
J our own days, namely, that the former was principally 
HBprried on by land ; the trade by sea being merely an 
^Bppendagp to the land commerce. We are accustomed 
^Bö coni^ider improvements in commerce as inseparable 
^Blom improvements in navigation ; a way of judging 
^Totally inapplicable to Ancient times, in which the navi- 
gation of the Mediterranean* or along certain coasts, 
however active it may have been, was principally ser- 
■Mpceablc as assisting and co-operating with land-traflic, 
^Hnd as the means of transporting certain weighty coiii- 

^H Commerce by sea, on the grand scale, owed its origin 
PHi t\\ii ducocerij of Anwrica, Up to that period the 
commerce of Antiquity and of the Middle Ages pur- 
sued, on the whole, the same course i — ^this great event 
alone formed an era in its history. The great high- 
way (as it may be termed), which led from the East 
Europe and Africa, continued unchanged on the 
rbole, however it may have been altered by some 
ßgbfdeviations; and the traffic which it was the 
»an» of carrying on continued al^vays the principal 
me. We may therefore be permitted to doubt 
whether the circumnavigation of Africa could ever 
ive produced those great and general results which 
»llowed upon the discovery of America. It is pro- 
I bable that the communication with India would have 
^Kkng continued to be a mere coasting trade, such as it 
^Bftriginally was. 

^P But the discovery of America alone, independently 
of the circumnavigation of Africa, was sufficient to 
^Hffive a new character to the commerce of the world. 
^^Khat vast conlincnt was accessible only across the 
^HDcean ; not to be approached by a timid navigation 
^Hjtom promontory to promontory, or island to island, 
^BEither this great discovery, with all itH inmieasoreable 
consequences^ was to be renounced, or it was neces- 




sary to brave the perils of the Atlantic. The ports of 
the Mediterranean became deserted as soon as those on 
the Western coasts of Europe were opened to fleets 
from both the Indies ; and the Ocean at last assumed 
its proper character and natural pre-eminence, as the 
Highway for the commerce of the World. 

As the coninierce of Antiquity was principally car- 
ried on by land, we shall be better able to appreciate 
its nature and extent by taking a survey of the general 
characteristics of land traffic. 

It is evident that the countries which are the most 
fruitful in the most valuable commodities (especially if 
these be peculiar to their soil), must also be able to 
supply the greatest quantity of exports ; which will be 
sought by other nations, however remote, who may 
have learnt the value of such productions« Kow the 
interior of Eurojje, till the times of the Roman Em- 
pire, continued in a state which made it incapable of 
assuming any importance in commerce. Some of the 
Southernmost States of Greece and of Italy had, to a 
certain degree, emerged from Barbarism: — the rest 
were so uncivilized — had so few wants, and so few 
commodities of their own to oflcr m exchanire, that 
even if any thing like trade was carried on with them, 
it was not sufficiently important to rank as a branch of 
general commerce. Even that of Greece and Rome 
could be little more than what was necessary to supply 
their own demands. What productions — raw or nia- 
nufactiu'cd — had they to offer to the East in return 
for hers ? An exception must be made in favour of 
the South of Spain, the precious metals of which found 
a ready market in every country. 

It is obvious, then, that Asia and Africa,, both of 
them inhabited in a great measure by civilized nations, 
and both — (more particularly the eastern regions of 
Asia) — renowned for their splendid natural produc- 
tions, — must have become the grand emporia of An- 




wnt commerce. Obstacles^ however, unknown to 
lodern Europeans, were presented by the vast ex- 
rnt of the Asiatic continent, the peculiarities of it* 
»ography and soil, the many deserts which intersect 
and the lawless hordes wliich infest them. The 
fety of the merchant accordingly demanded pre- 
lutions tuineceshary in our own countries. As it was 
ipossible for single travellers to effect those long and 
irdous journeys, it became necessary to collect com- 
panies either sufficiently nmnerous to defend them- 
selves, or able to pay for the protection of a body of 
guards. Such bodies of men, which we are accustomed 
^r to designate by the word Caravans*^, could not, however, 
^Hbe collected at a moment's notice, or in every place ; 
^Bnd it was necessary that a rendezvous should be ap- 
^^ointed, that the merchanls and travellers might know 
where to join a sufiicient force for their common de- 
ince. In like manner the places of resort for the sale 
well as the purchase of their merchandise were ne- 
issarily fixed, being recommended by their favourable 
fition, or by some other circumstance, such as long 
Lsage; because in such situations alone the sellers 
iwere sure to meet a sufficient number of purchasers, 
rice versa. For like reasons the very course of 
le caravan was not a matter of free choice but of esta- 
blished custom. In the vast steppes and sandy deserts 
Inch they had to traverse, Nature had sparingly al- 
lotted to the traveller a few scattered places of rest, 
where under the shade of palm trees and beside the 
cool fountains at their feet, the merchant and his beast 

Kf burden might enjoy the refreshment rendered ne- 
essary by so much suffering. Such places of repose 
become also entrepdis of connnerce, and not unfre- 
qiiently the sites of temples and sanctuaries, under the 

I follow the comuioa pronuncialton of (!tr word, whirh is propcrJy 



protection of which the merchant prosecuted his trade 
and to which the pilgrim resorted; and these fre- 
quently increased to great and opulent cities, and con- 
tributed, by motives of interest or necessity, to attract 
to the same route the various hands of travellers. 

From all this it is apparent why such commerce by 
caravans became subject to certain rules, and re- 
stricted to a definite course. It is not wonderful there- 
fore that the routes of caravans should have continued, 
on the whole, invariable, for humlreds and even for 
thousands of years; notwithstanding they may have 
been partially diverted by the decay or destruction of 
particular cities, or the growth of others in their stead. 
The same considerations will show us how it came to 
pass that certain situations peculiarly flivourable for the 
transactions of land commerce, such as Eijypt and Ba- 
bylon» 8o soon assumed a conspicuous place in history; 
which they continued to preserve through the Middle 
Ages no less than in those of Antiquity, notwithstand- 
ing some occasional diminutions of their s])lendour. 
We shall also find that similar reasons led to the effect 
we have already pointed out, namely, that the commerce 
of the Middle Ages continued, on the whole, to be the 
same in its operations with that of Antiquity; and 
could not in fact have been otherwise, except it had 
changed its nature to a sea commerce from a traiHc by 
land. Till this took place, in other words till the dis- 
covery of America, the species of commerce by land 
which was carried on, derived its characteristics not so 
much from the method it pursued and the countries it 
traversed, as fi-om the nations by which it was main- 
tained ; and whether the grand channel of communi- 
cation through Asia terminated at Tyre or at Alex- 
andria, made no essential difference in the nature of 
the commerce itself. 

The trade by caravans requires a multitude of 
heaats of burden, particularly of camels, an animal 





fitted above all others not only for supporting ^eat 
burdens, but for enduring long and painful journeys 
through desert tracts sparingly supplied with water. 
Id like manner a number of camel-drivers are neces- 
sary, accustomed to the care of these animals, and like 
tbem habituated to support fatigue and privation. 
The horse and the mule though useful for such pur- 
poses are far inferior in these qualities to the camel; 
and accordingly we do not find any large communica* 
tion by means of caravans to have existed except in 
regions where the camel, (the ship of the desert, as it 
is termed by the Arabs), is found. But this useful 
animah though reduced to a state of perfect bondage, 
is not like the horse or the mule easily reared in the 
stable ; it loves the free air and open coiuitry, and 
consequently the rearing of camels has, on the whole, 
continued at all times the occupation of nomadic tribes. 
This will already explain how such tribes, — (even if 
their habitual mode of life had been less analogous 
than it was to that of the followers of a caravan), — 
came to devote themselves so much to this mode of 
traffic. When they did not themselves become mer- 
chants they were accustomed (as we shall see by ex- 
amples cited in the course of this work) to supply 
beasts of burden to the inhabitants of mercantile 
cities, and not unfrequently to undertake the trans- 
port of commodities for others'*; and when we consi- 
der that one half of Asia and of Africa is occupied by 
such roving tribes and their herds*, can we be sur- 

•^ See Ei.riii!>r*TOK'» account of Cabul, p. 290, foL 

* Th« caiDis) is fouuil tbrougliaut the whole of Southern aod Central 
Af» as Tar as 53** N. lat. , as well as throughout the whole of Northürti 
Africa. We have no means of knowing to what extent it is found in 
^thern Africa, but it would appear to U^eDiirely utiknown there ; posai- 
% never pa^aiog the great chain of mountains which divides that coati- 
•^at. I have pointed out in another work the effect which the importation 
*f this useful aoiroal might liave on the commerce of those counlnes. JJist. 
l^W ii. 8. 4-20. 



prised that tliii 

uf traJBc shoutd have 

been so widely extended ? 

Whatever may be the strength of the camel, it was 
still too limited not to have the eÖect of restricting the 
commerce carried on by its means. Many hundred 
cfimels woidd scarcely suffice to convey the freiglit of 
one of our East Indiamen; and consequently the trans- 
port of wares by such means of conveyance must have 
been exceeJiiigly confined. Articles of great weight 
or bulk are necessarily transported in much smaller 
quantities by land ; and this will explain the fact how 
so many of the most valuable products of distant coun- 
tries, though known to exist, so seldom became articles 
of commerce amoncr the Ancients. How, for instance, 
could rice, the most valuable of all the productions of 
the East, be conveyed in any large quantities to Eu- 
rope? How could the sugar and saltpetre of Bengal be 
transported by land to the markets of the West ? On 
the other hand« articles of less weight but great value, 
such as spices, perfumes, light apparel, the precious 
stones and metals, etc. were readily transported, and 
on that account also became objects of primary im- 
portance in Ancient commerce. 

These remarks will have the effect of illustrat- 
ing the great importance of the communication by 
means of caravans to the nations of Antiquity, Civili- 
station being generally the result of commerccj it is 
obvious that the progress in this respect of the nations 
of Africa and Asia ma'mly depended on such a mode of 
intercourse; and a moment's consideration will teach us 
how it was calculated, in itself, to promote by twofold 
relations such a consequence. In the lirst place a com- 
munication by caravans always creates a considerable 
intermediate commerce. The caravans necessarily tra- 
verse various countries and nations, and the demands 
of these, as well as the interest of the mercliants, have 
the efiect of promoting an inierchange of articles of 



tinimerce. It is true that in many cases this continued 
r centuries extremely simple, and it would be an ex« 
tremely ha#ty conclusion to assert that in every case a 
progressive improvement in civilization was the ne- 
cessary result of such taffic ; which is apt to be 
HKmited according to the hixuries or necessaries in de- 
^tnand. In proportion however as such interchange is 
confined to profitable and excludes injurious articles 
commerce, it produces an immediate improvement in 
le economy of domestic life. Amon^ more civilized 
itions it is proportionably extensive; and although 
le fixed track to which the caravans are confined pre- 
?nt8 their disseminating very widely an equal degree 
>f improvement, yet such a mode uf communication 
the effect, as we have already seen, of creating 
Ttain emporia of commerce along the line of its route, 
rhich being frequented by numbers attracted by the 
love of gain, gradually grow up into flourishing cities, 
^nnd, following the usual progress of refinement, in- 
^RTcase in wealth and civilization, — in luxury and cor- 
ruption» The progress of commerce at large being 
I intimately connected with this species of intcrmedmie 
traific, the importance of the latter is sufficiently ob* 
r Notwithstanding the prevalence in Ancient times 
bf land commerce, we must not lose sight of the trade 
Bien carried on by sea, particularly as it has been 
Variously misrepresented hy authors. Some have not 
scrupled to send the fleets of the Tyrians and Car- 
thaginians to America ; while others have denied their 
means of effecting the distant voyages of which we 
possess indisputable evidence. 
I The chief characteristic of the navigation of the 

^■Ancients was this : that it continued to be at all times 
^^n coasting navigation. The sailors of Antiquity never 
quitted the land except when constrained to do so by 
some unavoidable necessity, such as the violence of cur- 



rents, or when the passage from one coast to the other 
was of the shortest duration. It is the general opinion 
that they were compelled to adhere to the laod for 
want of the mariner'ij coi»i»ass ; but the true reason 
must be sought in the scantiness of their geographical 
knowletl^e, which embraced only three parts of the 
world. 'I'o induce seamen to make distant voyages 
across an open sea some object is necessary, which, 
before the discovery of America, did not exist to any. 
Such long navigations were not attempted nor desired; 
and it may be doubted whether the bare circumstance 
of the invention of the compass could have ever given 
rise to them, had not a daring adventurer been con- 
ducted by it to the discovery of regions on the uther 
side of the Atlantic. The mariner's compass had 
already been discovered more than a hundred years 
when Columbus first used it as his guide across tlie 

)?ut while we admit the navigation of the Ancients 
to liave been always carried on along the coast, we 
must be cautious how we attribute to it the degree of 
imperfection so liberally assigned it by many. It is 
certain that a caatiting navigation is not only subject 
to greater difficulties and dangers than any other, but 
has the property, in consequence, of forniing at all 
times the most expert seamen. Is it not true that at 
the present day the Newfoundland fisheries and the 
coal-trade foi*m the best mariners of England ? The 
greater frequency of danger in such navigations habi- 
tuates the sailor to overcome and despise it. It would 
be a most unwarrantable inference, therefore, to con- 
clude that, because the nations of Antiquity confined 
themselves to coasting voyages of small extent, they 
were therefore deficient in maritime experience and 
skilli It was by the prosecution of such voyages that 
the Portuguese found their way to the East Indies. 
The very position of the three continents of the 






Ancient world precluded the possibility of fixing any 
«bdülüte limit to navigation; and nothing was more 
likely to advance discovery than the long continuance 
of such coasting voyages. No insurmountable barrier 
prohibited farther progress: — the love of lucre and 
the love of discovery perpetually allure the mariner 
onwards from the known to the unknown;— and when 
we reflect that the Carthaginians and Phoenicians 
were enabled to pursue at their leisure, and in pro- 
found peace, their long and adventurous voyages, we 
shall easily admit that they may have been gradu- 
ally induced to extend them farther and farther till 
they had penetrated into very remote regions. With- 
out attempting at present to draw any general infer- 
ence from these observations, we may at least be con- 
I'inced that it is a very unfounded proceeding to assert 
that the accounts we possess of the distant voyages of 
these nations along the coasts of Europe and Africa, 
and even of the circumnavigation of the latter, are 
fabulous, merely because they do not coincide with 
ou? own preconceived nations of the unskiUulness of 
Ancient mariners. If we would have some external evi- 
dence, — what corroboration can be more strong than 
the instance of the Normans during the Middle Ages ? 
Can it be doubted that iheij circumnavigated Europe ? 
Or can we deny the fact of their voyages, which, never- 
thelesfi, from the relative position of their native coun- 
try, were prosecuted under circumstances of much 
greater difficulty and danger than were the expeditions 
of Tyre and Carthage ; seated as these were on the 
coasts of th e Mediterranean ? 

At the same time the navigation of the Ancients w^as 
not so exclusively a coasting one as not occasionally 
to venture across the open sea; but within very mo- 
derate limits, and only in the case of narrow seas. A 
glance at a map of the Eastern hemisphere of the 
globe will show us two seas of this description, both 



of great importance. The Mediterranean ^ with its 
subonlinate portions, comprehending the Black sea; 
and the Indian Ocean, lying between the coasts of 
Eastern Africa, Arabia, and Hindustan, and com- 
prising the Arabian and Per^iian gulfs. 

The Mediterranean was obviously formed to be the 
principal scene of the commerce and navigation of the 
Ancients, by its position, in the centre of the three 
continents, and surrounded by the most fruitful and 
most civiUAcd regions of the known world. The faci- 
lity of its navigation was greatly increased by the 
abundance of islands strew^ed over its surface, the pro- 
montories which on every side stretch far into its 
bosom, and by the small uess of its total extent. It 
served as the medium of cotnmunication between the 
inhabitants of the three continents, who, beyond all 
question, would have continued as uncivilized as those 
of central Africa, if the basin of the Mediterranean 
had been a sieppe^ like those of Mongolia. 

In the Indian ocean, within the limits we have men- 
tioned, navigation is facilitated not only by the vicinity 
of the oppoi>ile shores, and by the frccjuent occurrence 
of islands, but also by periodical winds, which change 
their direction twice in the year. During all the sum^ 
mer half-year, from May to October, the prevailing 
south-west w^inds wafted from the coast of Africa to 
those of Malabar and Ceylon the fleets which the 
north wind^ prevailing at the same time, had carried 
down the Arabian gulf, and led through the straits of 
Babelmandeb : and in like manner, during our w^inter 
months, a constant north-easterly breeze served to 
conduct them home again, and taking a southerly di- 
rection as it entered the Arabian gulf, conveyed them 
securely to its innermost recess ^ The sequel of these 



' The Indian Ocean and ihc xVnibiAO gulf have boili of llieni their mon- 
soon»« which differ in their dir€M:tioQft. In the latter. cioTth«rlj winds 



sensations will convince us that at a very early period 
e nations of tlie Soutli availed themselves of the ad- 
tages thus afforded them by nature ; and will at 
he same time show us how easy it was for the An- 
cients to prosecute the voyages referred to, without 
supposing the nature of their navigation to have un- 
rgone a change. 

The extreme difference between the commerce of 

the Ancients and that of the Moderns must be apparent 

om what has been advanced, but it will be rendered 

t more evident by a brief coinpari«ou of the system 

and objects of each. 

The system of Ancient commerce was, on the whole, 
much more simple than that of modern nations; want- 
many of the artificial improvements without which 
c, as it now exists, could not be carried on. 
Its object was simply to supply certain demands of 
necessity or luxury ; and these the merchant sought to 
sell at an advanced price, especially when he had he- 
wed upon them labour of his own. In this simple 
anner he acquired competence or wealth; but without 
rryiiig his H]>eculation8 or his vie^fs any farther, 
on^equently the commerce of the Ancients was cha- 
cterised by this leading circumstance, — that it was 
a traffic or barter of commodities. In many cases, 
pecially in very ancient times, these commodities 
iply exchanged by way of barter; and even 
when the precious metals became the standard of 
value, they were at first employed with a reference to 
their weight, and only at a later period as coins properly 
80 called. We know indeed that the Phoenicians, the 
Persians, and other nations possessed a coinage of 


pmviul during^ the summer, and in the former »uuth- westerly ; whicli a&»iBL 
tlie DavigatioQ towards the coast of Matuhar, On the other band, during 
the winter months north -easterly wiml*- prevail in Üio Oceaü, and, ui the 
Artbian ^l(, gale« from the south ; the effect of which is *uch a» has been 



their own, and we are certain that sonne species of 
coin (the Daric for instance), were current among 
the Greeks also ; but it is not known to what extent 
this practice prevailed. One thing however is cer- 
tain, tliat there was nothing like a monetj trade esta- 
bUshed among tlie Ancients, which at present forms a 
very principal branch of European commerce, and 
which if it existed at all, was then merely hi its m- 
fancy. In some of the great cities, such as Athens, 
Rome, Alexandria, etc., the constant influx of fo- 
reigners must have given rise to the trade of money- 
changers ; but as long as there was no exchange^ 
properly so called, such partial and incomplete inter- 
changes of coinage could never become a branch of 
trade. The instances to the contrary which have been 
produced from certain Ancient authors are of an ex- 
tremely doubtful nature, and appear to he nothing 
more than cases of orders of payment. It was natural 
that these should be drawn on a third person, but the 
art was not yet known of making them circulate, and 
converting them into articles of commerce. In modern 
days, the money market at large is intimately connected 
with public credit, particularly with that of the great 
commercial states ; and may be considered as a conse- 
quence of the habit so universally adopted and under- 
stood, of contracting and liquidating at a minimum 
price public debts. Such a practice was unknown, 
because unnecessary, in Ancient times. The mo- 
derate expenditure of Ancient governments was sup- 
plied either by means of tribute, or, in the free states, 
extraordinary occasions were met by voluntary loans 
on the part of the citizens, which were subsequently 
repaid; without ever affording grounds for mercantile 
speculation. A regular system of exchange must be 
dependent on certain general laws affecting that 
branch of trade, and can scarcely be maintained with- 
out a well-organised system of Posts; since every thing 





depends upon a certain, rapid, and constant corres- 
pondence between the different money markets. Yet 
we are not at liberty to suppose the commerce of the 
Ancients to have been as inefficient as ours would be 
if all communication by postage were suddenly re- 

P moved ; since it is a very different thing to be deprived 
of an advantage, and never to have possessed it : in 
the latter case the difficulty suggests of itself some 
partial remedy. It is not, however, the less certain, 
that many branches of modem commerce owe their 
present acti^^ty, — nay their very existence, — to the 
CQflimunication established by the system of posts. 

The greater simplicity of Ancient commerce is also 
shown by this circumstance, that a much less variety of 
employments was created by it, restricted as it was to 
the mere purchase and sale of commodities. Yet even 

I in this respect we must not be too positive in our asser* 
Üons. Who can pronounce with certainty all that passed 
in the great mercantile houses of Tyre or Carthage? We 
"have many examples to prove that in commercial coun- 
trie» a great variety of employments has been always 
created by trade, besides those immediately devoted to 
^ it: for instance, in Egypt, the various mercantile 
^ agents, interpreters, brokers, etc* ; and we are war- 
ranted by the unchangeable character of Oriental man- 
Iners to infer that such wa« probably the case in An- 
cient tinies. The principal diflerence, therefore, lies 
between the commerce of Europe as it is, and as it 
was. Even in the East however it is probable that 
the circumstances of those times made it impossible 
for the merchant to transact, as he does at present, 
a great proportion of his affairs by means of others : 
he was obliged himself to travel into foreign coun- 
tries to purchase his commodities, particularly into re- 
gions which (like Spain), from their situation on the 
other side of the Mediterranean, and from the bar- 
harism of their inhabitants, did not admit of any other 



mode of access. On this account also lie was com- 
pelled, for the most part, to be at the same time the 
owner and captain of his vessel. All these observa- 
tions are of course liable to many exceptions, but it 
may be safely asserted in general, that the very cir- 
cumstance of the want of a regular communication by 
posts rendered it impossible for the Ancients to carry 
on their negociations in the manner now established, 
by commission. 

The objects o£ commerce must have been obviously 
mucli more limited then than in tlie present day, not 
only because many articles of trade now of great im- 
portance were then either unknown ur little used, but 
also because the means of conveyance employed were 
insufficient, as we have seen, to transport the weightier 

Among these must be comprehended the most ne- 
cessary article of all — Com, Allowing that such a 
trade may to a certain extent have been caiTied on by 
land, it is clear that this necessary of lite couid not 
have been so transported in large quantities, or to any 
great distance. A trade in corn is especially de- 
pendent on navigation, and, in ancient times, was li- 
mited, in general, to the shores of the Mediterranean 
and Black Seas, and possibly also of the Arabian and 
Persian Gulfs* The coasts of Barbary and Egypt 
which at the present day are so productive, were then 
still more so, because more highly cultivated. Who 
does not know that Rome derived her very subsistence 
from their granaries, and those of Sicily ? 

The transport of Wine was attended with even 
greater difficulties ; it being impossible to transport 
liquids in sufficient f|uantities on beasts of burden; 
and difficult and sometimes impossible for waggons 
to follow a caravan, from the want of roads, or the 
badness of them. There were also other circuniätances 
which contributed to give a totally diÖerent character 




^» lo the wine-trade of the Ancients. The Western 
countries of Europe, which now almost exclusively 
supply the rest of the world with this article, then pro- 
duced little or none, even for their own consumption; 
at the same time that they had little demand for this 
luxury, and (contrary to the present state of commerce 
in this respect), contributed little to increase its value 
as an article of trade. Every country was then con- 

IJent with a wine of its own ; and the cultivation of the 
rine was the more considerahle and the more widely 
disseminated, because there existed no religion which 
interdicted the use of the grape. 
On the other hand. Oil wag then a much more im- 
portant article of commerce. It bears transportation 
better than some kinds of wine, and was at that time 
in universal request, in consequence of the little use 
of butter in the southern countries. It mjiy be added, 
that the cultivation of the Olive has undergone little 
lange : the districts wl.ich then produced that useful 
!e continue to produce it exclusively; and Sicily, and 
le fouthern coast of Italy, were then indebted to it 
for no small share of their prosperity. 
The difficulties opposed to tlie conveyance of dif- 
\t articles of clothing were much less considerable, 
although the raw material could not be imported in 
^_£uch large quantities as at present. I'he most pre- 
^Kious of these, silk, cotton, and fine wool, were pecu- 
^^HpV^to the East, and the sequel of these observations 
^Hrnl show the high degree of importance attached to 
^Blliese commodities as articles of land commerce. 

The precious productions of the East, spices and 

k perfumes, particularly frankincense, poured in a rich 
^ream through various channels from the coasts of 
^idia and Arabia, to supply the costly sacrifices of the 
Ancients. The subject will be treated more fully in 
the course of the present work, but it has been already 



remarked, that no article of commerce was so well 
adapted to land carriage. 

The epochs of the Roman and Macedonian em- 
pires are far from being the most important or the 
most instructive, either as respects the polity or the 
trade of the Ancients. The variety which distin- 
guished the Ancient forms of government was neces- 
sarily overwhelmed hy an universal dominion, and 
Commerce herself was apt to be fettered with the same 
bondage in which every other civil relation was con- 
fined. We must ascend to a more distant age, if we 
would contemplate the constitutions of the Ancienta 
in all their diversity, and their commerce in its most 
tranquil and flourishing condition. The period im- 
mediately preceding the establishment, and during the 
continuance of the Persian monarchy, appears to oHer 
to the historian the most satisfactory survey and the 
richest field of inquiry. By examining this epoch we 
shall he enabled to estimate correctly the commerce 
of Alexandria of a later date, and the questions arising 
out of the political systems of the Romans and Mace- 
donians. In like manner, by ascending to the age re- 
ferred to, we behold, as it were, every thing in its 
proper place, before the success of one nation had 
deprived the rest of their independence : — every com- 
mercial state then occupied the rank and position in 
the general system for which it appeared to be de- 
signed hy its peculiar advantages. The shores of the 
Me<literranean were inhabited in every direction by in- 
dustrious and seafaring nations : Carthage had occu- 
pied the greater part of the coast of Africa, and by 
opening her ports for the importation of foreign pro- 
duce, had already begiui to monopolise the commerce 
of the Interior, Ctjrene was the immediate neighbour 
of Carthage and had become her rival, by her posses- 
sions along the eastern portion of the same coast« Over 





against these cities the Grecian colonies of Sicily and 
Italy had grown, by the cultivation of their fruitful ter- 
ritoriesy to a degree of opulence and prosperity which 
in the end proved fatal to them. Their narrow Limits 
could with diiBcuIty produce as much oil and wine as 
was absorbed by the neighbouring country of Gaul, and 
the boundless continent of Africa ; which were either 
altogether barren of these productions, or afforded them 
sparingly and with difficulty. Italy was then principally 

Kthe hands of the Ktrusci; a nation who in spite of the 
ilous rivalry of Carthage, maintained themselves in 
e Mediterranean : while the Romans, pent up as yet 
thin the limits of Latiura, were content to carry on a 
peaceful traffic, and conclude a treaty of commerce 
with their future enemies tlie Carthaginians. The in- 
ternal commerce of Gaul was in the hands of Massiiia^ 
the most peaceful and prosperous of all the Grecian 
States ; while, on the coast of Spain, Gades and other 
independent Phoenician colonies, were mistresses of 
I fl eets which even braved the waves of the Atlantic, 
^H The States of Greece, more particularly Athens and 
^HCorintb, with their Ionian dependencies, had secured 
^Bto themselves the commerce of the /Egean and the 
Black Sea; and even Egypt, exclusive as it was (under 
the dominion of the Pharaohs), in all its institutions, 
had opened at Naucratis a free port lor Grecian com- 
merce. The later kings of this ancient dynasty went 
still farther, and with the hope of making themselves 
^Jiasters of Phcenicia and Syria, removed their resi- 
^^kence from IVIemphis to Sais, and equipped fleets at 
^^the same time on the Arabian Gulf and the Medi- 
terraTiean. The nations of Central Asia were brought 
into closer contact by the levies of the Assyrians and 
Babylonians ; and even the compulsory migration of 
»ome concjuered nations — ^(the first expedient which 
üespütism in its infancy devised to maintain its con- 
*|uest5) — was not without some beneficial result, by 


XXX vni 


making düFerent natioiiB better acquainted with each 
other,~with their productions and their demands^ 
The haughty Babyht/, formed by her very position 
for the seat of empire and of commerce to the rest 
of Asia, had already become the resort of the arts 
and civilization ; while Tyre and the other Fhfjeni- 
cian states maintained their rights as the principal 
channels of communication for the trade of Asia 
and Europe : a tratle which, though momentarily dis- 
tiu*bed by the Persian conquest, presently resumed 
its former current. Under the dominion of the last, 
the whole of Central Asia assumed the internal ar- 
rangement of a settled empire : the traveller pursued 
without difficulty his way alonj^ the high roads from 
Sardes to Persepolis and Bactra ; and the very remains 
of their palaces» decorated with the repTesentations of 
public feasts, on occasion of which the diÖerent na- 
tions are portrayed as presenting their offerings be- 
fore the throne of the monarch, are even now a strik- 
ing proof of the industry and arts of the i3eople, and 
the wise government of their kings. 

If to this outline we add the commerce of Southern 
Africa and Ethiopia, carried on, as we shall have oc- 
casion to see, by means of caravans communicating 
with Carthage and Tyre across the deserts of tliat 
continent, we are presented (in the period we are 
contemplating), with a picture of life and activity — 
of the commerce and combinations of mankind, ^ex- 
tending over the fairest purtions of the globe, and 
affording the historian a surprise and pleasure, pro- 
portioned to the multiplicity of the objects it em- 
braces. Without pushing our inquiries to the utmost 
limits of recorded time» we take up our position at a 
period when the clear light of authentic liistory began 
to lose itself in the twilight of Tradition :— an ob- 
scurity which ill proportion as it is capable of being 
penetrated, allures the curiosity of the observer. With- 





out attempting to explore it beyond the limits to 
which the torch of criticism may safely conduct us, 
we may hope that occasionally some scattered rays 
may shoot far into its recesses. 

Of this splendid picture we shall attempt to deli- 
neate at least the principal features. To this end we 
must cause the warlike races which usually occupy 
the most prominent place on the stage of History, to 
to withdraw awhile, and make room for more pacific 
and unpresuming nations. Let the march of devas- 
tating armies give place to that of peaceful caravans ; 
and instead of ruined cities, let us contemplate the 
more pleasing spectacle of newly-founded and flourish- 
ing colonies. 





OvHiNG the forty years wbich have now nearly elap&ed 
since the first appearance of these Reflections upon 
Ancient Africa, a progress has been made in the ex- 
ploration of this quarter of the globe, which far sur- 
pASSeB the highest expectations that could have been 
formed with any semblance of probability. Brace's 
Travels, and the Narrative of Lucas, in the first part 
of the Proceedings of the African Society, were at that 
time the most important authorities to which I could have 
recourse for a comparison between the present Africa 
ftDd the Ancient, whicli forms throughout the ground- 
work of these Researches. But the spirit of the age, 
which, with a power before unknown, achieved all it 
attempted, did wonders with regard to Africa. Hardy 
and enterprising adventurers, among whom were some 
of ray personal friends, penetrated into its interior. 
The chief country, indeed, of this part of the world, 
once the cradle of civilization and science, uiiexi>ect- 
edly obtained a political consequence which it had lost 
for centuries : it was the object of an expedition, led 
on by the hero of the age, with a literary as well as an 
armed retinue ; of an expedition which, from the new 
stores of infonnation it opened, will never be for- 

The firuits of these enterprises, by the honourable 
liberality of our government, were placed at my dis- 



posal ; and, encouraged by tlir iiKlulgeiil reception 
wliich 1 sa\v vouelisafed to my first essay, I felt the 
obligation pressed upon me, to lay every new edition 
before the reader in as improved a state as possible. 
This I did in the second edition, which appeared in 
1804, and which not only contained many additions 
and improvements, but was almost entirely rewritten. 
If this was rendered necessary formerly by the Travels 
of HoRNEMANN, Denon, and others, it was not less so 
after the appearance of the great French work, De- 
scription iFEgypte^ with its magnificent atlas of copper- 
plates, of which I made use in the third edition, pub- 
lished in 1S15, It only remains for me now to state 
what has been done for the fourth. 

Already, in the third edition, it was found necessary 
to divide the Rrfierlionx upon the African Nations 
into two volumes ; the first containing the Cartha- 
ginians and Ethiopians, the second the Egyptians, The 
same division has been observed in this fourth edition. 
But the vast increase made to our stock of information 
respecting this quarter of the globe within the last ten 
years, ha« made numerous additions and occasional 
alterations necessary. For the section on the Car- 
thaginians, much new information has been tlerived 
from the Travels of I>ella Cella, wliicb sliows us, 
for the first time, what a rich harvest for the lovers of 
antiquity may be collected in the ancient Cyrcnaica ; 
from those of Captain Lvon, who, following the foot- 
steps of HoRNEMANN, conducts US into the very lieart of 
Africa ; and, above all, the important work of General 
Count MiNUTOLi, by which the ichnography and pic- 
ture of the ancient Ammoninrn are laid before us. 

Others, of which premature accounts have reached 
the public, such as those of Major Denham and his 
companion, could only be tpiuted from periodical pub- 
lications, sucli as the NouteUes Annaks des Fot/ages, 
the Quarferly lievienii etc 

W St 



Still more important h the information which ha^ 
lately been afforded us respecting Ethiopia. Th«- 
names of Biirkhardt» Bekoni, Gau, and Caillaud, ot 
whom the two first, alas! have fallen sacrifices to their 
enterprisiirg spirit, here become illustrious. To Burk- 
hardt we are indebted for an accurate description of 
the tribes inhabiting those regions» Of Niebuhr it ttmy 
truly be said, that there scarcely ever existed a traveller 
whose merit has been so soon and so generally ac- 
iuiowledged as that of my immortal friend : hh name 

already an authority botli in the East and the West. 

Izoni has erected himself a lasting monument by 
uing from the desert the gigantic grotto of Ipsam- 
id. The great work of Gau now lies before our eyes. 
displaying with the most scientific accuracy, the monu- 

ents of Nubia as far as the cataract ofWadi Haifa. 
The bold enterprising spirit of Caillaud penetrated 
ven «till farther: the monuments of ancient Meroe 

nld no longer remain concealed; and even the 

cient temple of »fupiter Ammon again presents 
If to our admiring eyes. The fruits also of these 

terprises, sa far as they have yet been made public, 

placed within my reach ; and what interesting 

ter I found therein for enriching this new edition, 

e diijcernment of the reader will discover. The 
chapter upon Meroe has been almost entirely re- 
written. I was taught to regret the delayed publica- 
tion of the Traveh of Gnu and Caillaud^ by the use of 
the engravings ; and even hesitated whether I ought 
Hot to defer the parts published till the appearance of 
the letterpress. The plates, however, lay almost 
complete before me ; and it seemed to me, as tliese at 
all events must form the groundwork of the inquiry, 
most advantageous to form it ujmn my own jutlgment 
and view of these, and to leave a future comparison to 
tile reader, or to supply the omission in an Appendix 

some following part. When, however, I applied 



through a common friend to Monsieur Caillaud, in 
order to obtain information respecthig the appearance 

of his travels, he gave me for answer that they would 
be ready for the public in a few months ; and tendered 
me, in the most obhging manner, more early communi- 
cations; a favour I felt bound in justice to tlecline. 
But, not unacquainted with my former researches, he 
added an assurance, which I here give in his own 
words : ** Le jugenient de M. Cailhiud sur la position 
de Meroe,", as he writes, " se rapporte parfaitement 
avec celui de M. Heeren^ et il approuve beaucoup ce 
qull dit sur la marche de la civilisation entre I'Ethiopie 
et I'Egyptc. II pense, et atteste meme, qu'un antique 
etat de Meroe a joue un tr^s grand role dans cette 
marche, et que les premieris progr^s du developpement 
des arts et de la civilisation sont desceadus d'Ethiopie 
en Egypte, oü ils se sont developpes, et perfectionnes; 
qu'itn grand nombre d'usages dans les ceremonies 
religieuses tout ä fait perdus en Egypte, et que Ton 
retrouvc daus les ceremonies ancienues, y sont encure 
conserves. II a remarque aussi, que le costume des 
habituns de certaines contrees a la plus grande resem- 
blance avec le costume connu des peuples anciens. U 
ajoute, qu'un grand nombre des monumens de ces 
contrees doivent dater d*une antiquite tres reculee; 
que quant h beaucoup d autres qui subsistent encore et 
dont les restes sont encore bien conserves, il ne croit 
pas qn*ils soient tres anciens ; !es pluies qui tombent si 
abondamment dans ces pays dcvant contrihuer ct con- 
tribuant a leur destruction," All this will undoubtedly 
be farther explained and more accurately determined 
by the journal ofCaillaud, The reader needs scarcely 
be told, that it gave me great pleasure to find this con- 
fonnity of opinion betw'een myself and a person who 
had been at the very place in question : whether it 
will give as much satisfaction to certain critics, who 
had already decreed that what has now come to pass 



could not be, and who would rather shut their eye« 
than see, I shall leave them to settle. 

Quite of another kind are the discoveries which the 
successful exertions of Champollion in deciphering 
hieroglyphics, esjiecially the names of the Pharaohs, 
proihise ua. It iä certainly to Egypt that they have 
the closest relation, and it u therefore in that part of 
my work that I shall more fully consider tliem ; stUI, 
however, they touch upon Ethiopia. When it is 
remembered how many particulars in regard to this 
subject remain still undetermined, although the dis- 
covery of a phonetic alphabet is proved in general ; if 
it be moreover considered, that without a knowledge of 
the Coptic no progress can here he made ; it will not 
be expected that I in this path, following the footsteps 
of Champollion, should attempt blindly to grope my 
way. Still however I cannot pass over in total silence, 
as the reader will readily see, the relations which 
these discoveries bear to my researches. They will 
therefore be found quoted in a few places, not as 
proofs of my assertions, but merely to show the agree- 
ment of their results with my statements. 

The advantages, then, of this new edition will appear 
frpm what I have now said. Every thing available in 
the new discoveries for the improvement of my work 
has been carefully made use of; and with that dis- 
criminating caution which would render it most likely 
to shed a clearer light upon the subject. How far I 
have attained my end the reader must judge ; yet I 
flatter myself that fair critics will not undcn*ate my 
endeavours to impart to these researches that degree 
of clearness and precision which my means and ability 
would allow. 

The new maps which are appended will, I hope, give 
a proof of this. They represent ancient Africa, so far 
as is necessary for the present work, previous to the 
Ptolemeys and Romans, The modern names are always 


xlvi PREFACE. 

enclosed within brackets: of the ancient, no more 
places are specified than could be conveniently given 
upon a general map without overcharging it ; namely, 
the countries, nations, and cities which have some 
historical importance. . 

With much greater confidence than I did the fore- 
going do I now deliver this edition into the hands of 
the reader; as my former statements are here con- 
firmed by additional evidence in numerous and import- 
ant particulars. The tnonuments are still standing,' 
and stand too firm to be disputed away by the efforts 
of daring criticism. 

Göttingen, May Aih, 1825. 


Africa, from the earliest times to the present, 
has always excited, in a more lively degree 
than any other quarter of the world, the cu- 
riosity of mankind ; and yet it has never been 
drawn forth from the mysterious obscurity in 
which it is involved. The great difhculties 
which the nature of its interior opposes to 
every attempt made to explore it, have pre- 
vented any one of them, up to the present 
time, from being successful beyond a certain 
point; but still what remained concealed, com- 
bined with the peculiar productions of its soil, 
has always offered a continual allurement to in- 
quisitive spirits ; and no sooner has one enter- 
prise in part or altogether miscarried, than new 
ones have been formed. Nature seems to have 
destined Africa for her mysterious workshop : 
there peculiar races of men are foniied ; there 
the larger species of savage beasts, inhabitants 
of the desert, wander in safety ; there a 
vegetable creation arises, the first glance at 
which tells us that it belongs to a distant and 
'iuknown region of the world. 


Notwithstanding this, a considerable part of 
Africa broke through, at an early period, the 
thick darkness in which it seemed enveloped ; M 
and indeed, as a comparison of the latest dis- ™ 
covcries with the earliest will show, a much 
greater portion than will otherwise generally 
be believed. According to evidence, which 
has gained credit in an unusual manner, Africa 
was circumnavigated at a period of very remote 
antiquity"; and although this circumstance 
had no influence upon the farther exploration 
of the southern part, it concurred with many 
favourable circumstances to promote that of 
the northern. Even in the earliest ages, the 
north-east coast of Africa was inhabited by 
civilized and commercial nations, who w^ere 
natives of the soil like the Egyptians, or had 
migrated from other countries like the Cartha- 
ginians and Cyreneans. The extensive inter- 
course and multifarious connections which 
these nations had, as the farther prosecution of 
these inquiries will show, with the interior of 
this quarter of the globe, brought many ac- 
counts from thence to the countries on the sea- 
coast ; and it is possible that Herodotus might 
collect during his residence in Egypt, a place 
where merchants from every quarter met to- 
gether, his admirable accounts of these coun- 
tries : accounts which not only confirm the 
latest discoveries, but which often go beyond, 


* Herod* iv. A2, 


and require farther discoveries to establish 
their credibility. But the vicissitudes to 
which Africa was afterwards exposed, must 
have assisted still more to extend the infor- 
mation respecting it. The doiuioion of the 
Ptoleme} s in E^pt was in more than one way 
conducive to this end. As the commerce of 
this country increased, the circle of geographi- 
cal knowledge became of course extended. 
The necessity of obtaining elephants for their 
wars, which could only he procured from the in- 
terior of Africa, occasioned more minute inquiries 
to be made respecting it. The more accurate 
information thus obtained, and the connections 
so formed, paved the way to those conquests, 
which under the third Ptolemey and Evcrgetes 
I. extended into the interior of ^Ethiopia. We 
need not, therefore, wonder at finding in the 
fragments which are left us of the works of the 
Alexandrine geographers, and especially of 
Agatharchides, so minute a description of those 
distant regions, which did not again become 
known till in the present age they were dis- 
covered by Bruce. The fall of Carthage also, 
much as that state had done in exploring 
Africa, tended rather to extend than to limit 
the information already obtained of its interior. 
As a Roman province, north Africa acquired 
a Roman character ; and besides the wars 
carried on in the country of the Garamantes, 
which extended to the frontiers of ^Ethiopia, 
another circumstance aided the exploration of 



Africa. From its immense deserts the savage 
animals must have been brought requisite 
for the great combats of wild beasts that took 
place, principally under the emperors: for in 
the same measure as the state declined did the 
popular pleasures of the Roman people increase. 
The Roman historians sufficiently show the al- 
most incredible pitch to which these amuse- 
ments were carried at that time, and if we reflect 
upon the distance that it would be necessary to 
penetrate into the interior of the country to 
obtain the great number of lions, elephants, 
and other beasts requisite for them^ we shall 
scarcely be able to doubt but this custom was 
of great importance in extending the infor- 
mation respecting those countries, although we 
cannot say exactly how much was actually 
gained thereby. 

In this way antiquity obtained its know- 
ledge of Africa, which was still farther in- 
creased, in the middle ages, by the victories of 
the Arabs, and their settlement on its northern 
coasts; when all those places, Fez, Morocco, 
and others, now overrun by barbarians, were, 
under their dominion, the seats of science and 

'' Compare for example the catalogue of wild beasts of the emperor 
Philip, which must have been brought for the great proce&sioa and figbt of 
wild beasts at the lecular game» (tudi $icculares} 1000 yean from the 
building of Rome. Among olheri thtjre were no Jess than ten giraffes 
(cttmeiopardi). Script, lh»t, Aug, ii, p. 58, Bipont editiim. There is no 
foundatiaD for the belief that these sipecies of wild beaitt» were found ^t 
that time farihcf norlh , and we see, iberefurp, that the Ttoman hiinten 
must have peoetralcd into tlie heart uf Africa. 


lilerature. From this source, and from the dis- 
coveries of the Europeans in the latter part of 
the fifteenth and commencement of the sixteenth 
centuries, have been drawn up, to the latest 
times, our accounts respecting Africa, as well 
as the names on our more early maps. The entire 
change which then took place in the colonial 
system of Europe, and which caused it to turn 
its whole attention to the two Indies, was 
without doubt the principal reason why curi- 
osity respecting this quarter of the globe, 
which no longer seemed interesting, except to 
furnish slaves for planting distant possessions, 
lay dormant ; till in our own days, by a conflux 
of fortunate circumstances, the spirit of dis- 
covery has again been roused, and in twenty 
years done more towards dispelling the myste- 
rious darkness which hangs over Africa, than 
had been done in the two preceeding centuries. 
The physical features, however, of this 
quarter of the globe, notwithstanding all that 
has been done by ancient and modern re- 
search, have not been yet so well ascer- 
tained as to enable us to reduce them to any 
genera! division, as is done with regard to Asia. 
How little, indeed, do w^e know, even after the 
repeated journeys undertaken from the Cape 
of Good Hope, of the southern part, where no- 
body up to the present time has reached be- 
yond the boundaries of the Sterile coast, and of 
that all our information is limited to a very 


unsatisfactory knowledge of the shore \ Oer 
present view therefore must be confined, as it 
would have been in ancient times, merely to 
the northern part, particularly as the object 
of these inquiries, limited to the period when _ 
that alone was known, requires no more. | 

The northern part of Africa is divided into 
three regions, which Herodotus has already 
very properly distinguished. He separates his 
Libya into the inhabited, situated on the Medi- 
terranean, the wifd beast territory, and the 
dcM'rt Libya*'. This division, founded upon 
the natural features of the country, answers to 
the modern names of Barbary, Biledulgerid, 
and Sahara ; but the fertile and inhabited | 
lands beyond the desert, which we comprise 
under the names of Nigritia or Soudan, are not 
included therein. They were not, however, ^ 
as the prosecution of this inquiry will show, fl 
altogether unknown to Herodotus. But the 
part which he knew of it he gave to iEthiopia, 
the general name for the interior of Africa 
as far as it was inhg^bited by black or dark 
coloured people. 

c Ligbl, however, on these parti now b*gias to dawo ; if the accoiiott' 
drawn from the paptTA of the deceaicd Bowdich» foTmed upon the ^^port^ 
given litm by theForiuguese, respecting the inland counlries between Congo 
and Mozambique, be authentic, then these countriet form a tabic )aod 
without high mountains ; with streams flowing in varioui dircciions, and a 
great lake, Maravi, said to extend northward* as far m Mombazo, and 
probably forming a chain of lakes siiiiilar to those oi Norlli America, Sim- 
vattea Afituiifs dt I'tryug*», 1824, 
*' J£i£juM)| ii. cap. 3*2, and iv. 161. 



The first region therefore comprises Mauri- 
tania, Numidia, the proper territory of Carthage 
(which the Romans afterwards called, in a 
stricter sense, Africa), Cyrenaica, and Mar- 
marica ; or the northern parts of the present 
kingdoms of Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, 
and Barca, which are together comprised 
under the name of Barbary. Justly, indeed, 
does it merit the name of habitable Alrica, 
which is preeminently given it by Herodotus, 
on account of the fertility which almost every- 
wiiere characterizes it. The coasts of Tripoli 
and the eastern part of Barca, have, however, 
even to the sea, large sandy districts, but even 
these were inhabited in ancient times by 
nomad hordes. 

Beyond this region, under latitude 30, a chain 
of mountains runs across Africa, which in the 
estern regions are comprised under the name 
of Atlas. Separate portions only of this chain 
are known up to the present time, although 
recent discoveries satisfactorily show that it 
extends in the same latitude across the whole 
continent of Africa, from the seashore to the 
boundaries of Egypt. Its loftiest and broadest 
part seems to be in the west, where it usually 
bears the name of Atlas, and where it occupies 
the w^hole of the southern provinces of Morocco 
and Algiers; as it approaches Tripoli, where it 
takes the name of Harudsta, it becomes nar- 
rower, parched, and sterile; after which it 
continues along the north boundary of the 


desert, a chain of barrea rocks, until it reaches 
Egypt*. In the western parts, where there is 
no lack of water, it is, more than in any other, 
the peculiar haunt of savage beasts ; from which 
circumstance Herodotus, with great justice, 
calls it the wild beast country. By the Arabs f 
it is called the Land of Dates ^ from the 
great quantity of that fruit, so important to 
Africa, which grows there. The whole region, 
therefore, comprises the southern side of Atlas, 
together with the territory lying near it, ex- 
tending as far as the great desert, between the 
30th and 26th degrees of north latitude. The 
later Greek and Roman geographers call it 
Gaetulia ; and it is known even by their poets, 
as the native haunt of savage beasts. This 
whole district forms at present the southern 
parts of the before-mentioned kingdoms; but 
in consequence of the weakness of those 
wretched governments, several independent 
states have been formed there, as Fezzan 
(Phazanla Regio, PloL) which formerly be- 
longed to Tripoli, Sigilmessa, and others : 
but the inhabitants of these regions are, and 


■ See HouKiiM Ann's Journal of hit Trauls in A/iitca* lie is ibe first 
traveler, within my knowledge, who has opened lo us the eastern half of 
tbii chain« and shown us ihat it extends alhwart Africa^ Uis accounts are 
ConArmed and eolafgcd by the journey of Delia Cella to Cyrenaica» w well 
u bj ibat of general Minutoli. Althougb this cbain, according to Dslla 
Cetxa, Viaggio da Tripoli atle frt^Htine oecidentaii deW Egitto fatto net, 
1817, p> 162» is sometiTnes broken eastwsrd of the great Syrlic, yet it U 
not iulerrupied to any extent ; and the same specie» of muuotaio, »sort of 
chalk stone, succeeds again soon after. 

' Bflodai Jfrid, commonly pronounced BUidulgtrid, 





have been from the earliest times, the greatest 
merchants and travellers in the world. Of 
these people the great caravans are principally 
composed, which at one time penetrate 
athwart the deserts into the golden regions of 
the interior of Africa, and at others pass to 
Egypt, Arabia, and Persia. 

Their country, which is only fertile in some 
of those places where water is found, loses it- 
self by degrees in a barren desert ; which 
Herodotus calls the sandi/ region^, and which 
is comprised by the Arabs under the general 
name of the Desert, Sahara. It extends, as 
Herodotus very accurately remarks, across 
Africa, from Egypt to the western coast, and 
stretches itself under the same degrees of lati- 
tude, through the regions of Asia, Arabia, the 
southern provinces of Persia, and penetrates 
considerably into northern India \ It is, how- 
ever, an inaccurate, though a common notion, 
to suppose it forms one continuous sterile 
ocean of sand. It contains, on the contrary, 
not only several fruitful patches, but whole 
districts, which form steppes, over which 
nomad hordes wander with their cattle'. The 
breadth of this sandy region is not everywhere 

t Herod, iv. 181. o^vtj i^fftW* * Mndy tract. He expressly adds, 
ihaL ihe same exUnds from Thebea in Egypt lo the Pillars of Hercul««« 

* Tliroogh Kermao (C^rmania) Älecran (G*drma) as far a* Moultati in 
North ladia. 

•See especially GoLBKHKV, Frdgmtfiui d'un Vaj^age m Ajrique, vol. i. 
C4p. 6. Upon the physical nature of the »oil of the desert ace in particular 
MiwrTOLi, Journtv to th* Ttmplt of Ammon. 



the same ; its widest extent is in the western 
half of north Africa, between the present king- 
dom of Morocco and the Negro country; and its 
narrowest between the present states of Tripoli 
and Kassina, where also it is most frequently 
interrupted by watery districts. It becomes 
again much broader as it approaches Egypt. 
Everywhere, however, it presents sufficient 
terrors to prevent single travellers from ven- 
turing to cross it; and where it is broadest, 
the largest caravans cannot traverse it without 
the greatest danger. The western desert of 
Zuenziga is the most terrible of all ; the deserts 
of Berdoa, Bilmali, and Barca, with some 
others, form parts of it, and finally lose them- 
selves in the sandy deserts of Upper Egypt 
and Nubia. 

Beyond these sandy solitudes happier regions 
are again found. A chain, or rather a ridge 
of mountains, which probably runs across 
Africa under 12** north latitude, becomes the 
common parent of many large and small 
rivers, and entirely changes the features of the 
country. The dark obscurity in wlxich this 
ridge, called on our latest maps the Kong 
mountains, has always hitherto remained, has 
only recently been partially broken through. 
The streams which it pours forth, swoln by 
the violence of the tropic rains, which here, 
near the equator, have their longest duration, 
overflow like the Nile the neighbouring lands, 
and fertilize their soil. Instead of a sandy 





desert, the eye now ranges over extensive 
plains covered with wood, and now over gently 
sloping bills, containing, often at the depth of 
but a few feet, the richest veins of gold. Of 
the succeeding immeasurable tracts we scarcely 
know a single spot, yet from what little in- 
formation we have, southern Africa seems 
generally more fertile, and therefore more 
thickly inhabited, than the northern \ 

These preliminary observations on the phy- 
ical state of Africa, upon which rests the 
foundation of the whole inland trade of this 
quarter of the world, are of the greatest import- 
ance to our subject, and many of the following 
remarks would be unintelligible without them, 
I purposely abstain from more minute detail, 
as I would not burthen the memory of my 
readers w^ith names which might obscure the 
general outline. 

k One of the most extraordinary facts re- 
specting all this part of Africa is without doubt 
the rarity of large rivers, which, how^evcr, may 
be accounted for from the course of the prin- 
cipal mountain chain. The northern chain 
runs so closely along the JMcditerranean, 
that the rivers w hich flow from it, arc properly 
mountain streams, which, after a short course, 
lose themselves in the sea. The extensive 
tracts which lie between this and the southern 


'^ We ai yet kDOw nothing or great siatly deiertt which may b« con- 
tained in southern Africa ; and iti« many aad very considerabl« strettroi 
n, render it imprübabte that <ioy such arc there to Ue fciund. 




chain, have no slope either towards the north 
or south, sufficient to make the streams take 
either of these directions, but only towards the 
west and east, and even this, as it seems, only 
near the mountains. Under such circum- 
stances those regions must necessarily remain 
without water, as no stream could form itself 
a channel through them. These impediments 
do not cease till we come to Egypt, where the 
mountain chain ends, or alters its course ; and 
the Nile is the only large stream which con- 
tinues to flow from south to north in the north- 
ern part of Africa. Whether, however, this 
river has yet been traced to its source, and 
whether it flows in the same direction, from 
south to north, at its rise, still remains, not- 
withstanding the recent discoveries and the 
boast of a celebrated traveller that he had 
penetrated to its head, undetermined. We 
know that this stream is formed in the interior 
of Africa by the conflux of several rivers, but 
it seems not to be settled which of these is 
properly the Nile. The river which Bruce 
takes to be it, rises between the 10* and 11' 
north latitude, and bears the name of Abavi; 
but the more westerly branch, which is called 
by him the White river {Bahr el Abiad, the 
Astapus of the ancients) has its source much 
deeper in the interior of Africa; and seems, 
from the mass of waters which it rolls 
along, to have more right to be considered as 
the principal stream. The direction of its 


course remains still uncertain and unexplored ; 
even the latest adventurer, M. Caillaud, who 
saw its conjunction with the Nile, could not 
trace the stream upwards ; the problem, there- 
fore, still remains unsolved, whether the 
Nile comes from the south or west. A 
tradition, which, from the earliest times to the 
present has obtained in Africa, speaks of a 
branch of the Nile flowing in the latter direc- 
tion. It is clearly and precisely given by the 
father of history : " The Nile," says Hero- 
dotus, "flows out of Libya, dividing it into 
two parts; and, as I conjecture (assuming 
unknown things from what is known), runs in 
a direction parallel to the Danube ^" The 
Arabian geographers name this river the Nile 
of the Negroes, but make it to run in a con- 
trary direction, from east to west ; giving it a 
common source out of the same lake with the 
Egyptian Nile " ; while, according to the 
statements of the latest travellers in Africa, 
the assertion of Herodotus is still the generally 
prevailing belief in the interior of this quarter 
of the world". This question, however, is not 
likely to remain long unsettled in an age like 
the present, in which so much zeal is testified 
to clear up every doubt that remains respecting 
the distant regions of the globe ; and since a 

> HxBOD. ii. 33. 

" As Edrisi and Abulfeda. See Hartuann, Geogr. Africa: Dlrisiana, 
p. 23. 

« HORNEMAKN, p. 138. 141. 



British traveller has already penetrated along 
the western bank of the Nile as far as Darfur", 
without finding any river, we may with safety 
conclude» that it is only above this point that 
such a westerly principal arm can now be 
sought for, if after all it really should exist. 

In the mean time, with this question another 
stands intimately connected, of which, in 
modern times, we have a more accurate solu- 
tion : namely, upon the course of the stream, 
which generally goes under the name of the 
Niger. Modern geographers have often con- 
founded this stream with the Senegal, which 
flowing from east to west, falls into the ocean 
under IG"* north latitude ; and is reckoned 
among the principal streams of Africa. By the 
ancient geographers on the contrary, the Sene- 
gal, which by Ptolemey and others is called 
the Daradus, never bears the name of the 
Niger. Pliny, as well as Ptolemey, seems 
rather to have understood by this latter, a 
river in the interior of Africa, not flowing from 
east to west, but from west to east^. This, 
however, is easily reconciled by the information 
given above respecting a branch of the Nile, 
which flows from the west of Africa, and which 
caused the Niger to be confounded with the 
Nile, and is by Pliny expressly declared to be 

° IL BitowNCj whos« pirticuUr objvct it was to trace the courie of i 
White jivfir to it« source; but who was detained prisoner in Darfor. 

P See ProiRMtr, Afrieat lab. iv. J It»' ptiftcipal authority ii Ptiw, 
v. cap. 9. ^ 





the same river with the Astapus, or White 
river ^. Modern geography, in consequence 
of the exploration of the Joliba, discovered by 
Mungo Park, tends to confirm the tradition re- 
specting the existence of a river in the interior 
of Africa, flowing from west to east; a tradi- 
tion known to Herodotus', and upon which he 
founded the conjecture that this river might be 
the Nile'. This tradition, however, öfters no 
confirmation of the conjecture that the Joliba 
has any connection with the Nile ; but there 
are, on the contrary, important reasons which 
render it improbable ; for not only the length 
of the course which we must in that case assign 
the Joliba, and which w^ould make it divide 
nearly all Africa in its widest part, but also the 
course of the mountain chain, as far as we are 
acquainted with it, and the direction of the 
slope depending upon it, seem to contradict it'. 
The latest discoveries of the British, of which 
however w^e have only anticipated infurma- 
tion% seem to place it beyond a doubt that the 
Joliba falls into the great lake of Tzaad in the 

I Plimy, I. c. 

' Ukuod. ii* 32. See the «ect'ion upo^a the Laod Trade of ihe Carlha- 

• Heitr>D. ii. 33. 

• The arguraeoti for ihe opposite optaion have already been explalived by 
Renncl, in hU additions to HonNLUANK's Travels, p. 191. 

*• The accounts of Denham, Clapperton, and Oudeny, in the QimrfcWy 
Revirw^ Dec, 1823, before the ptihlicatioD of ihcir travels. The iropmba- 
ble hvpothesis, that the Joliba turns to the west, aod runs into the Congo 
river, and which even occasioDcd an UDiuccessful journey of discovery la 
that river, fails thefefoie of itself to the ground. 



empire of Bornou. Whether, however, it flows 
again out of it on the eastern side of this lake, 
or whether the floods, diirins: the rainy season, 
cause a junction with the White river, is still 

This want of navigable rivers, together with 
the large sandy deserts, must have impeded 
the intercourse of the African nations, and on 
that account must have thrown great, almost 
insurmountable, difficulties in the way of their 
civilization. The inhabitants of the interior of 
this quarter of the globe have lived, from the 
earliest times, almost always cut off from the 
rest of the world. Protected by their sandy 
deserts, they were scarcely accessible to the 
extra toil of friendly caravans, never to the 
army of a foreign conqueror. Great and 
sudden moral or political revolutions seem to 
have happened as rarely here as violent 
physical changes. Nature, nevertheless, has 
provided in a remarkable manner, that they 
should never remain long total strangers to the 
rest of the world ; she has not only given them 
fruitful inland countries, but stored even the 
immense sandy deserts themselves with trea- 
sures, which have either excited the avarice, or 
been required by the necessities of mankind. 
The central countries of Africa were celebrated 
among the northern nations, even in the 
earliest ages, for the abundance of gold 
which they contained ; but probably another 
present, bestowed by nature on the desert, did 



more towards keeping up an intercourse 
between them. In its interior were found, 
sometimes in hills, sometimes in lakes, the 
great magazines of salt, which supply the most 
distant tribes with this indispensable mineral, 
of which the negro countries are totally desti- 
tute, and which obliges them to undertake 
in large companies such dangerous journeys 
through the sandy regions. Besides this, un- 
fortunately for humanity, even in that early 
period the slave trade existed (which, as far 
back as history can trace, seems always to have 
been a native of that soil) and many other, 
though less important, branches of commerce. 
Thus we see that several thousand years ago, 
as well as at present, there existed an in- 
tercourse with the nations of central Africa, 
which became the principal cause of its civi- 
lization, and furnished the remainder of the 
world with the means of information respecting 
this quarter of the globe. The accounts which 
are come down to us from antiquity concerning 
it are scanty and defective, but on that very 
account are the more attractive to the historical 
inquirer; and the research which will be made 
as w^e proceed ^ will perhaj>s, therefore, be more 
secure of the attention, and have more claim to 
the indulgence of the reader. 

But if the interior of Africa was subject to 
fewer changes, her coasts, especially the 

* See ll»« «eclioti oti the Land Trade of the Carlhoginians, iü which will 
be found farlher explanation lad proofs of what we hnve here »aid , 




northern, were more exposed to foreign migra- 
tions. Here arose the republic of Cartilage, 
one of the first and most remarkable of the 
ancient world; here the state of Cyrenaica, had 
it enjoyed more domestic tranquinity, might 
have become the rival of Carthage, Here 
also the only native people, who on the shores 
of the Nile attained so high and remarkable 
a degree of civilization, attract our atten- 
tion ; while the ^Ethiopians in the obscure dis- 
tance, and enveloped in the thickest mist of 
antiquity, glimmer, almost invisible, on the 
confines of the earth* 

In the hands of tliese nations rested the 
commerce of inner Africa, and besides them 
not a single large state, that we know of, has 
been formed within it, as the later Numidian 
empire is not here to be considered. But 
although my inquiries may be limited to these, 
I shall nevertheless find occasion to introduce fl 
what I may have to say respecting the other 
inhabitants of this quarter of the globe. Gy- 
rene did not become sufficiently large, and too 
little information is left concerning it to give 
materials for a separate division. The accounts 
preserved respecting it, will find a convenient 
place in the third part of this work, which 
relates to the Greeks and their colonies in 





matioii is given us respecting these wars, 
especially concernin«^ the struggle with Rome, 
yet it becomes gradually less valuable as we 
ascend into more remote antiquity. This later 
period, however, is not the one from which we 
can hope to form a proper opinion of Carthage. 
From the time when the contest between these 
powerful republics broke out, Carthage no 
longer remained what she had been. Her 
whole existence from that period, even though 
fortune sometimes shone favourably upon her 
arms, was no more than a struggle for self- 
preservation ; all other enterprises, as well as 
her whole previous system of policy, were 
sacrificed for that object. The heroic family 
of the Darcas, indeed, did for some time sup- 
port the declining commonwealth ; but, having 
been once shaken to its foundation, it could 
never afterwards recover its former splendour 
and stability. U 

Herodotus is the only great historian who 
has descended to us from the flourishing period 
of this state^ — shortly before, and during the 
Persian empire — ^and here deserves particular 
notice. From the general plan of his work we 
might have expected that he would have given 
us a digression as well upon Carthage, ao 
opportunity for which more than once occurs^ 
as upon the other states and nations which he 
describes. Why he has not done so, whether 


>* As for eximpte Id viii, 166. 



from accident or desig^i, or because he had 
not visited Carthage himself, or what other 
reason he might have, it is impossible to de- 
^B^rmine. Of how much miij^ht he not have 
^■iformed us ? He, by whom no opportunity 
^■ras neglected of collecting information re- 
specting the Carthaginians ! Notwithstanding 
Ktis, many of his accounts, as will be seen as 
e proceed, are indirectly of the highest im- 
jrtance to this inquiry. Polybius saw Car- 
thage only in its decline ; he is accurate and 
impartial as an historian, although a friend of 
the Romans, and even intimate with the 
^jounger Scipio. He frequently gives us a 
^peep insight into the internal affairs of the 
Carthaginian republic ; and some genuine do- 
^ßuments which he has preserved us, together 
^Bvith the voyage of Hanno", afford us some 
^Compensation, although but little, for the loss 
of its native writers. Diodorus Siculus** is prin- 
■eipally valuable because he comprises the 
^period immediately before the Roman wars, 
namely, that of the wars with Syracuse ; and 
for having preserved many interesting particu- 
^Bars. Livy , on the contrary, can only be referred 

^^V ^ This, as wel) as tlie docuinenis here rocDtioned« will be fuuad collected 
^Hutd traoslated al tfie efid of ihis volume. 

1^^ '* Diodorus has drawn bis aecoiint» of Carlhage from two Greek wrileri, 
Ejjhorus and Ttm»u». The doubtfiil nature of the first is »bowti by his ex- 
aggerated alatemeuti respecting the numher of the Carlha^^iaian utrmiiräaQd 
j wliicb by Timajus, wJio is very üccurate wHcrc his passion« do nol 
into play, are always rodiK-td lo half, or oms ihird, Sve «xaiopl«« in 
owt * i, p. 5H4, and other places« 



to for events relating to the wars ; he did not 
give himself the trouble to study the internal 
state of Carthage, and clothes, moreover, the 
picture which he draws, in a Roman dress, 
Appian, in his book of the Roman wars, is in 
this respect more copious; although in the art 
of handling his materials he is far inferior to 
Livy, Among a host of other writers, Justin*, 
although otherwise scanty and not to be relied 
upon, must be mentioned as the only one to 
whom we are indebted for a continuous view 
of the earlier fortunes of the republic and her 
first advance^ respecting which most of the 
others are totally silent.— It is not our ioten- 
tion to write a history of Carthage, and if it 
were, it is not her later period that would oc- 
cupy our chief attention. Our consideration 
should be given to that brilliant period when 
this state was in full activity, and enjoyed the 
free exercise of its power. In what splendour 
must she then have appeared? Upon what 
foundation in reality rested her internal con- 
stitution, and how was it made to totter? 
What was the circumference and condition of 
her home territory ? What were her relations 
witli her provinces and colonies ? What with 
the independent nations of inner Africa? How 



• The accounts of Justin, or raiher of Trögua Pompeiui» whom he only 
abridged, conccrniog Carthage* arc tnoiity drawn from Tlieopompus» 
and ptrhaps from iiinaju«, as 1 have shown in my treatise, de hontihut 
et uuctotitate Jmtuu. See Commintat. Soc, Hcunt* Go€lting, vol. Xf, 
|j. Z2&, etc. 


far did her intercourse extend in this direction, 
and what were the limits of her navigation ? 
How were her armies and fleets organized ? 
What were the principles of her policy, and 
how were they acted upon ? In a word, what 
was Carthage and what did she wish to be ? 
None of these questions seem to me yet satis- 
factorily answered, although Carthage holds 
a prominent place in the history of the world ^ 

' The belt informtUoii we heve at present respecting Carthage, is to be 
found in Spanish writers. I pass by all others to mention the very valuable 
vrork of Campomanes, Antiguedad Maritima de la Repitblica de Cartago, 
The first part contains the history of the great enlargement of the Carthagi- 
nian navigation and maribme power, and is certainly very valuable as it is 
confined to one definite object. The second comprises the Periplus of Hanno, 
with a too prolix commentary, mostly founded on etymologies. Hendrich, 
fU Republiea CortAaginieiuium, is a mere compilation, partly tricked up 
with out of the way hypotheses. Since the first appearance of these 
inquiries, tbey have been made use of by most of the writers among iit 
upon ancient history — would that I could add, corrected and enlarged. I 
mention, however, with pleasure, the instructive treatise of professor Kluge 
of Breslaw, AaitroTELES, de Politia Carthaginims'ium ; to which I shall 
again reftx in the prosecution of this work. 



Formation and situation of the Carthaginian domimon$ 
in Africa. 

Carthage was one of the many colonies 
which Tyre, like other Phoenician states^ 
established on the northern coast of Africa \ 
It was not the only one, nor ^ the first; Utica 
was certainly more ancient ^ as were probably 
some others. All this coast, reckoning from 
the lesser Syrtis westward, was covered with 
colonies of the Phoenicians, as may be seen in 
my inquiries respecting them; and that they 
even extended their settlements beyond the 
Pillars of Hercules, on the shores of the great 
ocean, is shown hereafter from several concur- 

* According to the usual chronology, Carthage was built B. C. 878, and 
destroyed Ü. C. 146. It stood therefore altogether 732 years. lu history 
is best divided into three periods. The first extends from the foundttioa of 
the city to the commencement of the wars against Syracuse ; from 877 — 
480. It comprises the period of the rise and growth of the state; its exten- 
sion in Africa, in Sardinia, and other smaller islands in the Mediterranean. 
It was likewise the period of the commercial wars with the Massilians and 
Etrurians. The second extends from 480 — 265 ; from the rise of the Syra- 
cusan to the commencement of the Roman wars. It comprises the period 
of its greatest power and extent. The third, from 265 — 146, includes the 
history of its wars with Home, the period of its declining power, and its 
overthrow. See my Manual if Ancient History, p. 73, etc. of the English 

•» Proofs of this may be found in Bochakt, Caiuian, p. 473, etc. 

CBHY. r. 




rent facts. In this they were influenced by 
various circumstances. To some parts they 
were allured by the fertility of the soil, and to 
others by the traflSc which they carried on 
with the nomad inhabitants ; but besides 
these, their principle motive, the same which 
drew them to Sicily, seems to have been the 
keeping open a communication with southern 
Spain, and to maintain their power there, 
which, on account of its rich mines, became, 
as it were, their Mexico and Peru. 

Most of these settlements were established 
for purposes of trade, and seem originally to 
have been but small ; they were indeed at 
their first formation, rather staples for their 
goods than places of traffic. Many of them, 
however, taking advantage of their happy 
situation, soon got that trade into their own 
hands, which they should have ensured to the 
ft mother state. Among the ancients, with 
whom, excepting the Romans, the bonds 
which connected the colonies with the parent 
states were slight, this was a common occur- 
rence ; modern history seems likewise to con- 
firm the fact, that trading colonies, if they 
(improve, arc the most uncertain of all posses- 
Besides these, there was another species of 
colonies in the ancient world, most numerous 
among the Greeks, but not unknown to the 
Phoenicians. This owed its urigia to civil 
broils or dissensions. The discontented party 
emigrated or was expelled, and sought settle- 





ments for themselves in foreign lands. The 
Greeks in such cases went to Asia Minor or 
Lower Italy; the Phoenicians to Africa*. 

According to all accounts, Carthage belonged 
to the latter species, and this circumstance 
deserves here to be remarked, because through 
it the connection between her and the mother 
state becomes determined. She was from the 
beginning an independent state. Tyre and 
Carthage, without claiming dominion or ac- 
knowledging subjection, observed towards one 
another all those duties of mutual regard, 
which, according to the opinions both of the 
Pha*nicians and Greeks, mother states and 
colonies owe to each otiier. Tyre constantly 
refused the use of her fleet to Cambyses when 
he wished to attack Carthage**; and Carthage 
granted a place of refuge to the inhabitants and 
treasures of Tyre when that city was besieged i 
by Alexander*. f 

History has not preserved to us the means 
by which Carthage at once raised itself so 
much above the other Phoenician colonies, ^ 
It certainly might have been effected by afl 
conflux of favourable circumstances; but the 
excellent situation of the city, which at the 
same time afforded it every convenience for 
navigation, and protected it from foreign attack^ ^ 

« We are, for example, quite certain ihat it wai umlet siicli ciicuui- 
sUQces that tlic citv of Leptii Mit^na, in ihe territory of Sjrtis, w^ fvunded 
by a colouy from 8idon. Salliist. shig, c. 7Ö. 

-» UtnoL., iii, 17. l!), 

' DioiKtiiivij, li, p. ifM). 

CHAF. r. 



was certainly one of the principal. Carthajsre 
was built ill the interior of a large bay, formed 
by the projection of cape Bon ^ in the east, and 
cape Zebid* in the west, now called the gulf of 
Tunis. At the bottom of this bay is a pe- 
ninsula, which was formerly connected with 
the mainland by an isthmus about three miles 
broad. Upon this peninsula was Carthage 
erected, about half way between Utica and 
Tunis, both which might have been seen from 
the walls of the city, as the former was only 
nine and the latter only six miles distant. A 
very narrow neck of land, projecting westward 
into the sea, formed a double harbour for the 
vessels of commerce and war, and also sepa- 
rated the lake behind from the Mediterranean. 
On the side towards the sea it was only pro- 
tected by a single wall ; while upon the isthmus, 
on the contrary, it was guarded from foreign 
attack by the citadel Bi/rsa, and a threefold 
wall, thirty yards high and thirty feet broad ' , 

^ Tlie aacieDt pKnnnfttorium JHetmoMm* 

I 71»e ancieot itrmumtorium AffoUinh. 

** Tbc locfti ütuation of aacteDt Carthage deserves a more minute inquiry 
tbu it would be here proper lo give it. The principal source u Ai'fmn, 
i,43d.elc. The picture of CAkrrQMA»iES«i,^n, h mostly drawn from fancy. 
The account of Shaw ujwn the great cbaoge r)f the coast must form tlie 
principal groundwoik ; tho charU thereto annexed arc undoubtedly the 
best; but the «ttuauon of the haven i& not given, and it h precisely in that 
«»herein lies the ob&curity. It appears certain, however, from Appiaa, tliat 
the neck of land stretching into the sea, only baif a stadia broad, formed 
one side of (he harbour; from which it becomes plain how the Carlha- 
gioiaus, at the time Scipio blockaded their harbnurj found »o easily a pas- 
«age out. Another obscurity rests upot» that part of the city called Magalia, 
or Magara. According to Appian, viii, U7, it »cems to have been a sort 




Carthage observed from the begmning the 
natural policy, which her original weakness 
must have prescribed to a single city, built on 
the border of a large and populous quarter of 
the world. She endeavoured to maintain a 
good understanding with the original nations 
that lived in her neighbourhood. The Tyrian 
colonists came not as conquerors» but bought 
the land for their city and its territory for a 
yearly ground-rent or tribute, which is often 
mentioned in their early history; and which, 
as Justin tells us, although it seems very im- 
probable, continued till the time of Darius 
Hystaspes '\ 

They forsook, however, this policy as soon 
as they found it convenient, that is to say, as 
soon as they felt themselves strong enough. 
Wars with the natives naturally followed'', in 
which, though the Carthaginians obtained the 
superiority, yet they only obtained subjects 
who were eager at every opportunity to shake 
off their yoke. It is necessary that we should 
now inquire a little farther into the state of 
these nations. This inquiry will lead to the 
most important results, respecting the whole 
internal state and real power of the Cartha- 
ginians. Herodotus, Scylax, and Polybius, will 


of «ubutbi fuU of ^ardensi occupyiag the mo»l southern part of ihi» oeck of 
land. It is« however^ difiicult from the dc^^cnptiuii of Appiati to obtain a 
clear «odoa c»r the whole. We have hilhcjrlü hop^d in vain fur the pobli- 
cali)>ii of ihe teccnt reKarcbet made by earl CamiUo Borgia. 
» JtsriN, x\Xf 2. ^ JukTiN. 1. c. 

^PcHjU». f. 





be the authorities for the observations we shall 

Whenever Polybius ' speaks of the African 
nations, who fougfht in tlie Carthaginian armies, 
he always most carefully distinguishes the sub- 
jects of the Carthaginians from the free people 
who served as mercenaries. The former he 
calls Libyans {Mß^^i), the latter, whenever they 
are Africans, Numidians or nomads» but this 
name being given them entirely on account 
of their manner of living, is not properly the 
name of the people ; the different tribes or 
races, comprised under this general term, are, 
therefore, likewise mentioned by him under 
their particular names. The Libyans, on the 
contrary, he never distinguishes more precisely; 
it stands always as the geneml name for the 
African inhabitants of the Carthaginian terri- 
tory. It seems probable that about the lime 
of Polybius, the earlier divisions of the tribes 
and distinctions of these people were lost, 
because, as we shall presently see, they had 
not only been obhged to change their manner 
of living, but had partly become mixed witli 
the Carthaginians. 

One general character distinguishes these 
Libyans from llie other inhabitants of northern 
Africa. They had settled places of abode» and 
appear everywhere as followers of husbandry ; 

' A principol aiilboiit> un ibis subject, vol. i, p. 161, H>7, 168» Schv>tig- 
fumtter't tdiiioti. 



CHAP. t. 


while all the other tribes, both on the eastern 
and western sides of the Carthaginian territory, 
seem on the contrary, even in the most flourish- 
ing period of that state, to hav e been nomads. 
The tribute imposed by Carthage on the 
Libyans was for tlic most part paid in grain '^j 
and it was principally with the produce of their fl 
industry, that those republicans were enabled 
to raise and maintain the numerous annies 
witli which they made their foreign conquests. 
If Carthage wished to establish an empire 
in Africa, it was necessary to obtain as sub- 
jects, nations who had fixed dwellings. Do- 
minion over merely nomad hordes is little 
better than none ; it cannot, at least, become 
the permanent foundation of a state. The 
Carthaginians, therefore, obsei'ved a very na- 
tural policy in endeavouring to civilize the 
nomad hordes, wherever they could bring 
them under their yoke. But whoever reflects 
upon the difficulties to be surmounted before 
nomads can be brought to that state, and 
made to change their manner of living, w^ill be 
able satisfactorily to account for the frequent f 
wars, in which the Carthaginians were engaged 
with the old inhabitants, from that circum- 
stance alone ; as well as the implacable hatred 
of the latter towards their rulers, even sup- 
posing there were no acts of oppression on the 
side of their new masters. 

•" Polybius» vol. i. p, 177. 

diJip. T. 



At the time Herodotus wrote, that is to say 
in the flourishing era of the Carthaginian state, 
no native people were to be found in North 
Africa, beyond the boundaries of the Cartha- 
ginian territory, who tilled their lands. All 
the native tribes between Egypt and the Lesser 
Syrlis, and as far as the lake Tritonis", then 

" We have m ancient geography a lake, an ittaod, and a river Trilot»; 
the latter said to communicate with tbc lake. Bte Gella, Geog, Ant, », 
p. 860, The tituatioo of the Uke has beea differeally staled ^ we mayi 
tlicrcCDTe, doubl wbether the name always sigaifiea the same. It is geoe« 
rally placed near the LeswrSyitis; others are said, according to Pliny, v, 4, 
to place It between the two Syrtet; and SoLtvus, cap. 27, even places it 
near the Greater Syrüs, toward» the Ara Philanorum, Solious, howevefj 
has merely mitaadertlood Pliny; and the expression bttween the two Sffr- 
ittt 19 At le^st 80 undefined, that it docs not contradict the general opioion. 
The ubcerlainty of these statements probably arises iu part from the Argo« 
oautk poett having made their heroes visit these territories, and created a 
locality from their own imagination, many of which were afterward* intro* 
duced into the work» on geography. From Hehod. iv, 179, it is clear that 
h« look ihe Triton late to be of*e and the same as the Leaser »yrli», or a« 
lieiog clöiely connected with it. Thti opinion alM, as Rlnkkl, Gfog, of 
Ihrod. p. 662, very poioJedly remarkSi is confirmed by Sc v lax, p. 49, td, 
Htidhm, who places the island Triton in the Syrtit, and makes mention of 
tio lake TnlOD. The passage to Scylax is certainly very corrupt, and instead 
of the word» if ravrjf ry 'S.vpTih iifiort]Kiv ^ I'ijtroc Tpirujvoc itaXiWi^ivrji, 
cat roraj^bQ Tpir^v , it must be t/ vriiroc T/>inuvo( Kai Xt/ifi}, «cat t. rp. 
Of, if it should be preferred, t) v^^off Jpiritivoc KoXüVftkvtj, cai Xiftvff Tpi- 
r*itvo^, rat ar» rp. This is clear from the following: >) Si Xiftvn afirij which 
Xifivfj, namely, cannot be the Syrlis itself, because we read thai it had 
only d small opening {trrdfia fitKpbv}i but it is the lake which, according 
to .Sil AW', i. p. 274, is now called Shibkah el Lowdeath, NevertiieleM, ill tha 
lime« of Scyla*, this lake communicated with the Syrlb, though only by l 
amall entrance« in the midst of which an island was to be found. This, aa 
he adds, however, wa» only uncovered by the sea in lime of ebb, and in 
flood imti remained under water. The sand bank, therefore, has thus been 
i;iiBed up, and cut off the communication between the lake and the sea. 
The difficulty, however, still remains, where iht- river Triton is tobe sought 
for. Although we, with Shaw, thereby would understand the little river Ml 
JIaramah, yel tbi* will not suit the statement of Herodotus, who makes it a 
mtr of conaiderable magnitude, xv, 178. Uul llie narrative of ikrodotu*, 





connected with it, were, according to the ex- 
press testimony of that writer, nomad hordes*. 
With these we shall shortly have an oppor- 
tunity of becoming more particularly ac- 
quainted. The father of history has so mi- 
nutely enumerated and so accurately described 
them, that the credibility of the accounts he ■ 
has left us concerning them cannot be doubted, 
** But immediately on the other side of the 
river Triton,'' continues he, that is to say on , 
the western bank, " we first find nations whofl 
cultivate their lands'.** He gives us the " 
names of three of these tribes ; the first is the 
Max yes % and from the slender account which 
Herodotus gives of them, we clearly see, that 
they had not been long accustomed to their 
new manner of life. They were a branch of 
the Ausenses, the remaining part of whom, as 
he before remarks, were still nomads. *' The 
Maxyes, on the contrary, are tillers of the 
earth, and accustomed to live in houses." 
They still, however, retained their former cus- 
toms, ** They suffer the hair on the right side 
of their heads to grow, but shave the left ; they 

cap. 179, is ürawu witlmut doubt from name Aigoiiauiie poeu Ma}* not 
tbc she of ibe river, if not Hi very exi&tence, be merely the creaiion of < 
tiich poel'i imaginialioR ? The aeltlemeot of the Triiuo Jake is iroportiiQ»! 
for the gcfigr.njjhy of the Carlhaginian doni]DioQs,iu it is usually connJ«r«(l 
as their boundary towards the south. 

Hkhod. iv, 186. t* Ibid, jv, 191. H 

1 These Maxyes are probably the fame people as those mentioocU hy^| 
Justin, xviii, 6, aod called Maxylani j and whose kiug is aaid to have been 
niaibas, who dewred Dido fur his wife. 


CHAP. 1. 



paint their bodies with red lead." Both these 

are still nomad customs. That of painting the 

body is expressly mentioned by Herodotus', as 

existing among other nomads ; and the manner 

of cutting the hair was the mark of distinction 

by which the clans were distinguished from 

one another; according to the fashion in which 

it was done, or the side of the head which waa 

^^ropped. Herodotus always particularly men- 

^Bions the mode in which the neighbouring clans 

^pprore their hair; and remains of this custom 

^seem still to be preserved by their successors, 

^^he present Tuariks\ 

^P Next to these we find the Zaueces : " whose 
women used to drive their chariots of war V 
They were, therefore, a people who bred 
horses ; and, perhaps, by the custom just 
mentioned, gave occasion to the relations 
respecting the Amazonians in these regions. 
The use of war-chariots, which the Cartha- 
ginians adopted in their early times, was pro- 
bably taken from them, as will be shown in 
another place. 
1 These two tribes are mentioned and de- 
scribed by Herodotus alone, who immediately 
after quotes the Carthaginians as his authority. 
They were undoubtedly the extreme tribes of 
I the Carthaginian territory towards the south. 
Herodotus also describes their country as full 

t tit BOO« 1* ^' 

• Hekoo» iv» 193. 

• HonNtMANX, p« 151, 





of woods, overrun with wild beasts, lions> ele- 
phants, boars", etc. We may, therefore, con-f 
elude that agriculture was still in its infancy* 
among them ; no evidence, however, is want- 
ing of the fact, that the culture of the soil im- , 
proved as it approached Carthage. ■ 

A third tribe» larger by far, and more re- 
markable, was known to Polybius and others, 
as well as to Herodotus. This was the tribe 
of the Gyzantes or Byzantes % which was sub- 
divided into many branches. '* In their country 
the bees collect a vast quantity of honey, and 
still more is said to be made by confectioners. 
All these paint themselves like the others with 
ruddle, and eat apes, which are found in great 
numbers on their mountains \'' Respecting the 
quantity of honey in these territories, accurate^ 
accounts are given by Della Cella. The^ 
clefts in the mountains are full of swarms of 
wild bees, whose honey not only serves fotfl 
nourishment, but forms also an important article ^ 
of commerce \ The manufactured honey, men- 
tioned by Herodotus, is that prepared froip the 

• Heuod.iv, 191, The confirmation of iheic accountt of Herodotas may 
be leen in Tullv*» Namiiive ofn Re*iäfnc€ m TripoUt 1820. The woods 
on the road fjoiia Tunis to Tiipoli are so inft«ttd by savage beasts, that even 
aumerous caravatis cannot pa&i them wiiliout great danger As the dark- 
ness come« on, the woods resound will» the howlii^g of the jackall, ond the 
dreadful roar of the lion seeking his prey ; even large watch fires wilL 
scarcely keep ikeai hff. | 

■ The latter name is gtven ibeni by äTccii. He Ihitihm in BitZavnc ia< 
the nole» to which will be found collected the evidence of the olhtr writers 
who speak of them. 

J IIehod.iv, 194. » D*lii CaiL*. Ving^ht p. IS4. 


juice of palms, the method of preparing which 
is described by Sir aw». In these same regions 
it is still in most frequent use. The mountains 
are branches of the Atlas, marked on our mo- 
dern maps, but without proper names being 
given them. The number of apes was there 
so great, that, according to Diodorus^ three 
places derived from them the name of ape- 
towns (Pithecussse), in which the apes lived 
with the inhabitants in their houses. 

Herodotus places his Gyzantes to the west 
of the Zaueces, and consequently towards the 
Numidian frontiers. A proof that he only ob- 
tained information respecting the most distant 
and least cultivated tribes of this nation* From 
other writers, it is clear that it not only ex- 
tended itself much farther, but also that it oc- 
cupied the finest and most fertile part of the 
Carthaginian territory, which therefore bore the 
by-name of Byzazium". It lay in the neigh- 
bourhood of the Lesser Syrtis, and stretched to 
the Mediterranean. According to Polybius, 
it was 2000 stadia, or 227 miles in circum- 
ference *^. I shall frequently have occasion to 
speak of this region, which was the granary 
of Carthage. 

With regard to the other Libyan tribes, I do 
not find their names mentioned ; the loss, how- 
ever, is but of little consequence. There are 

> S8AW. p. 29L 
< See STKrH. 1. c. 

'' DtODORUBj u. p. 449. 
J Potve, iii, p. 384, 



rnAp. T. 

many proofs which show positively that there 
was a continiiatiou of them, and that they were 
extremely numerous. They always formed a 
part of the Carthaginian army ; and in the un- 
fortunate war against the mercenary troops, or 
rather in the civil war which Carthage carried 
on immediately after the termination of the 
first war with Rome, 70,000 of them were 
under arms at one time % and numbers equally 
considerable occur upon other occasions. 

These tribes seem to have preserved them- 
selves the purest, and to have intermingled the 
least of any of those which inhabited the 
southern and western part of the Carthaginian 
territory. They did not even understand the 
Carthaginian tongue, but seem to have spoken 
many different languages among themselves ^ 
Those dwelling to the east, on the contrary, 
along the coast from the capital to Byzazium, 
and even in that province itself, had intermixed 
in a greater degree with the Carthaginians, and 
from them had descended a race which is often 
mentioned in history under the name of the 
Liby-Phccnicians. They were generally, but 
not always, expressly distinguished from the 
genuine Libyans'^; and occupied the richest 
and most fruitful part of the country. 

• PoLYB.i, p, 181. ' Ibid. i. 16B- 

9 Polyl>. i, p. 458- Another iniporlaoi paisage is found b Diodorv«, ii, 
p. 447. He expressly diitiDguishes four species of inhal>iUnts io ihe Cw- 
thagiama lerrilory in Africa, The Thajnician», or llie ioliabiiants of Car- 
thageiUclfj the Liby-Pha-tiiciacis, under which be compriies, rather im- 







In order to keep these tribes ia subjection, 
Carthage made use of the same means that 
Rome did towards the small nations of Italy; 
that is, she settled colonies of her own citizens 
in their territory. This answered the double 
purpose of maintaining theit authority and im- 
proving the connection and intermixture with 
the original inhabitants, which, as we see, pro- 
duced the Liby-Phoenician race. Scarcely any 
state in the ancient world better understood, or 
prosecuted on a larger scale, the colonial system 
than Carthage. A separate division of our work 
will be devoted to her foreign settlements ; and 
we shall only here treat of those within her 
own territory. 

The foreign colonies of Carthage were always 
chosen for purposes of commerce ; this is even 
shown by their situation, as they all, without 
exception, lay near the sea ; but those w ithin 
her own territory were, at least for the most 
part, inland, and fixed upon for the promotion 
of agriculture. Even those on the seacoast 
had so limited a trade, that they could scarcely 
rely on that alone for subsistence. But as the 
exports of the Carthaginians consisted partly 
in the productions of their soil, commerce and 
agriculture mutually assisted each other. The 
policy of the Carthaginians led them to consi- 
der the formation of these settlements as the 

prope/ly, ibc ioliabitant* of the cUies oa ili« coast j ihe Libyani, or U»e 
tBcienl native txibes, and the aomads. 



CHAP. r. 

surest method of preserving: the good will of 
the people ; as it prevented the too great in- 
crease of the lower orders in the capital, and 
placed the poorer citizens, by the distribution of 
lands, in better circumstances. ** In this way/* 
says Aristotle*', ** Oarthage preserves the love 
of her people. She sends out continually 
colonies composed of her citizens into the dis- 
tricts around her, and by that means makes 
them men of property. It is a proof, he adds, 
of a mild and intelligent government, that it 
assists the poor by accustoming them to 

A sound and equitable policy certainly! 
But it presupposes a people still sufficiently 
uncorrupted to have a taste for agriculture; 
and in the later period of Carthaginian history 
we hear no more of the formation of such set- 
tlements ', So in Rome, where the same means 
were adopted, they could only be employed 
till the time of the Gracchi ; the later military 
colonies, under Sylla and others, were altoge- 
ther of a different nature ; and corresponded so 
little with the intention of their founders, that 

'• AnisTOT. OfK ii, p. 252; Peiit, ii, 11 ; and vj, 5, p. 317. I ciooüt 
underaland this laUcr passage in ibc way thai Mr. Klugc would, at refer- 
no^ to individuals of ihc natioii» vrho obt^ned goverDmetit offices in the 
neighbouring ciliea to enrich themselves; for Anatolle iay& of thein ia 
general, that the poverty of ihe great multitude njighl be relieved : hi riiv 
dXfjOivwi ^t}}totu6p op^v onüc ^^ irXyOog fit) kiav a7rD|>ov j}; whereby 
trade and agriculture would be served* 

* " Nothing, »ays Cic ciio, de Rfpui/L ii, 4, more weakened Carlliagc than 
the preference of il& citizcni for trade and navigaljoo, for which ihtjy nejj- 
lecled agriculture and armSi" 


CHAP. f. 



tiicy confirm in a remarkable degree the obser- 
vation just now made ^ 

The whole Carthaginian territory seems to 
have been full of these settlements ; they ap- 
pear, however, to have abounded most on the 
eastern side, from the gulf and lands belonging 
to the town of Carthage down to the Lesser 
Syrtis, in the seat of the Liby-Phoenicians and 
Gyzantes, or the district of Emporia. 

That these places were kept in strict de- 
pendence upon Carthage needs scarcely to be 
remarked. The tribute which they paid was a 
principal source of the Carthaginian revenue ; 
and the wars, by which the Carthaginian domi- 
nions were extended, were chiefly carried on 
at their expense \ Under the name of towns 
(ai wiktn) they are always mentioned in connec- 
tion with the other colonies on the north coast 
of Africa, as a main support of the Carthagi- 
nian power; but sometimes are distinguished 
from them by the name of neighbouring towns^ 
(*: «/»»ow/S*^*"). In other respects they seem to 
have been rather open towns than walled 
cities °: the Carthaginians had no fortified 
places except along the seacoast. There is no 
doubt but the jealousy of the capital prevented 
their being fortified ; but it also left them the 

>• Sailüst. CaiiL cap. M, IG. • PoLtB» i, 177. 

" AniSTOT. P<*ikt, vi, 5. 

*• Hovr numerou» ihes« must have been, we may gather, among olher 
thin|{Y, from Agalhocles being *ble to conquer nearly Xvtty hundrifd of ihcm* 
DiODORDK, \i» p- *'8- A ütring of names is given by Scylax, p. 48, 




rüAP, 1, 

certain prey of every conqueror, or adventurer, 
who had courage to invade the territory of 

From tliese towns, colonised by the Cartha- 
ginians, we must carefully distinguish the 
original Pha?nician colonies, whicti were esta- 
blished by Tyre and other Phoenician states ; 
some indeed, previous to Carthage, in the ter- 
ritory which afterwards belonged to that city. 
It is impossible to trace the origin of all of 
these with accuracy and certainty, we know, 
however, that of Utica and Leptis", and ac- 
cording to the accounts of SallustP, most of 
the large towns on the Carthaginian coast, 
Adrumetum, Hippo, and the smaller Leptis, 
were of genuine Phoenician origin. 

These Phoenician colonies were from the 
beginning, or soon became, free towns ; every 
one of which, with the territory belonging to it, 
formed a small republic. As Carthage became 
powerful they in some degree certainly became 
dependent, but were never so absolutely under 
the government of the Carthaginians as the 
above-mentioned colonised towns. They seem 
to have been rather allies than subjects ; as 
even the mother country, Tyre itself, does not 
appear ever to have had unlimited authority 
over the other towns. So much at least is cer- 
tain with respect to the principal among them : 
Utica for example, which according to the 

• Stcfh« dt Urif, IrvKif, 

V Sallust. Jug, cap. 19» 



unanimous voice of antiquity was the most 
considerable town next to Carthage, and 
which, after her ruin, became the capital of 
the Roman province of Africa. 

I found this opinion upon the following cir- 
cumstances, namely, that Utica in two genuine 
documents, made indeed at very different 
times, is expressly mentioned as a state by 
itself, as well as Carthage. The first of these 
is the commercial treaty between Carthage 
and Rome, made in the year B. C. 348. In 
this it is said, at the very beginning, " upon 
these conditions shall be peace between Rome 
and her allies, and between Carthage, Utica, 
Tyre, and their allies ''. " Utica is here 
evidently placed upon an equality with Car- 
thage, as even its allies are recited. It seems, 
therefore, to have had the right of contracting 
alliances ; notwithstanding this treaty was 
entered into in the most flourisliing period of 
the Carthaginian state. 

The Tyre here mentioned with Utica, could 
scarcely be the PhoDuician Tyre. Its situa- 
tion renders it improbable that it should have 
entered into a treaty with Rome, it was, be- 
sides, at this time under the dominion of 
Persia ; but the principal flict is, that nothing 
occurs throughout the whole treaty that could 
relate to that city, or be of any importance to 
it. I feel, therefore, inclined to believe that 

1 PoLVD. i, 437. etc. 




instead of Tyre, some other name should be 
read, perhaps Tunis, or Tysdrus, if indeed 
Polybius himself did not refer it to Tyre ; or 
might it not have been one of the large seaport 
towns on the Carthaginian territory, of which 
we at present know nothing lurther, but which 
at that time was really so called"? It was no 
unusual thing among the Phcenicians for colo- 
nics to be named after their parent town. Of 
this New Carthage in Spain and Tyre on the 
Persian gulf afford us examples. If, however, 
the Phoenician Tyre should be understood, I 
can only account for it from the custom which 
prevailed among the Carthaginians of com- 
prising the parent town in their treaties. The 
second document on which I ground my 
opinion belongs to the last period of Car- 
thage' — to the second Punic war. It is the 
treaty which Hannibal entered into with Philip 
of Macedon. As in the former case, Utica, 
wherever its name is mentioned, stands upon 
an equal footing with Carthage. The alliance 
with the Macedonian king is contracted by 
Carthage and Utica. If Utiea then in both 
these periods were connected with Carthage 
merely by alliance, surely no proof will be re- 
quired that it did in earlier times maintain its 


'' Many of the great Car ihagiiitan cilics, eveo ii> name» are quite forgot- 
ten 't and what know we, bcyoail ibe names, ofibe great ciliei Toka^ Mas* 
cliala. [fee atom py los, counieraled by DiodorusI See Diooon. ii, p. 449. 

• PoLKJiJi, p. 589, etc. 


"WTiat I have here proved respecting Utica, 
is more than probable respecting the other 
Phoenician cities in the Carthaginian territory. 
The cities in alliance and having equal laws, 
with Carthage, are not only distinguished in 
the documents which we have just cited, but 
also by the historians S from those in subjec- 
tion ; and what could these be if not the Phce- 
nician cities? They were originally, as Phoe- 
nician colonies, equally free and independent 
as Carthage itself. It follows, therefore, from 
the nature of these circumstances, that they 
could not at first be treated as subjects, but 
only as allies. Surely we have many ex- 
amples in history in which the preponderance 
of the superior power transforms allies into 
subjects ; and when we see that Utica alone 
is mentioned as an independent city, we must 
from that circumstance conclude, that the 
others did not stand altogether in the same 
rank with her ; though they certainly did not 
belong to so low a grade as the various places 
of the interior. The words of the treaties 
show this, and they are confirmed by history. 
They appear throughout as the most faithful 
adherents of Carthage. They usually remain 
so when the Carthaginian subjects revolt ; they 
are fortified, they besiege, and in their turns 
are besieged". All these are sure proofs that 

» DioDORCB. ii, p. 413. 

* Proofs of this will be found in all the wars vvbich the Carthaginians 
carried on in their own territory. 



CHAr. I. 

they stood so closely connected with Carthage 
as to have the same friends and enemies, but 
by no means that they were subject to her 
despotic sway. 

It was a general principle of Carthaginian 
policy, to improve as much as possible the cul- 
tivation of their lands; and to accustom the 
native tribes under their subjection to do the 
same. There was, however, a considerable 
portion of their territory, which, from its physi- 
cal nature, was, either for the most part or 
altogether, unfit for tillage. Such was the case 
in the country of the Syrtes, or the north coast 
of Africa between the Greater and Lesser Syrtis, 
wdiich forms the present proper kingdom of 
Tripoli, a narrow strip of land abüut one hun- 
dred geographical miles in length. While the 
territory of Carthage already described, con- 
sisted of fertile lands watered by the Bagradas 
and other rivers ; that of the Syrtes comprised 
only a sandy plain", stretching from the in- 
terior of Africa to the sea, and only watered in 
a few places by small streams*. In districts 


^ This remarkable difference in the soil, wtiich begins even at lake Tri- 
ton, is truly and accurately remarked by Herodotus, iv, 191. ** A$ far ts 
the Triton river the soil is level and sii&diy, but (torn theace towards the 
west it lecomeä moualainous and woody." 

J Fora more accurate description of the country on the seacoast, we are 
indebted to Dulua Celi a, Vu\ggiti, p. 22» etc. From Tj»[>oH to Lebeda 
(the ancient Leplts), the fruitful strip along the coast is scarcely balfa mile 
broad \ then follow, in the neighbourhood of ihe river Cinyps, greeu meadows, 
which hot« ever are again tooQ lost it» the sandy dcstrU »urroundtog the 
gulf of Sidra, or the Great Syrlis. Dr.LLA Cci.i.a, Viaggio^ p. 6t>, and 
Tuttr, Retviciicf in Tnpitti, p» 213. [The work of Ullls Cella has 

CBAV, t. 



of this kind a Carthaginitm or Phcenician 
kolony was settled ; such, for example, as the 
Greater Leptis, (Ea, and some few others. 
But in general the soil was unfit for agricul- 
ture, and still remains so*, and therefore the 
native tribes remained nomads even in the 
most flourishing times of Carthage. Of these 
we have a very accurate account in the works 
of Herodotus, and it will be of importance for 
the farther prosecution of our design, to give 
here more definite and clear information re- 
specting them". There dwelt still around the 
Triton lake, the Ausenses and Maehlyes : the 
latter cut the hair from the back of their head, 
as the former do from the front, in order 
to mark their race^ A branch of the Au- 
senses, that is the Maxyes before mentioned, 
had taken to cultivate the soil. Near to these 
were the Lotophagi, or Lotus eaters, and be- 
' hind them lived the Gindanes. The name of 
the former, who had spread in remote an- 
tiquity far over the earth, became celebrated 
by the songs of Homer, and which afterwards 


been Iratiilated itito EnglUh by Aufrere, 8vo. 1622. All however timt is 
iotereatiog in the two writers above [iieotionedi as well a» in ibe important 
Dirrative of BtEcntv, Eipeditii^i to Explort thi Coait af Aßica, 1828, 4to. 
and the accounts of tlie most recent travellers, will be found colkctedi and 
condensed in Ths Modem Traveller, Africa, 1829, 3 vol«. 12ino. A conj- 
piiatiao whicb lias deiervedly received much praise. TnAKs.] 

• Djipptft» DeseriptioH of Africa, p. 295. 

* The accounts of Sc y lax, p, 48. should be compared with those of He- 
rodotus« vith which they agree very well, though not borrowed from 
them. This deicriptiou of the coast, oJonej shows the high antiquitj' of this 

■> }li»nAr. iw i<»n. IRQ. 





en A p. r. 

gave rise to so many fables among the Greek 
poets, is the name of one or more tribes who 
subsisted principally on the fruit of the lotus- 
tree; for corn in those countries could not 
be cultivated. The ancients have handed 
down such minute descriptions respecting this 
tree (which must not l>e confounded with the 
lotus plant of Egypt), that it is impossible to 
mistake if. It is the R/tamnus Lotus, Linn. 
Its fruit, even at the present time, is the com- 
mon food, not only in these districts but also in 
the centre of Africa ; and now, as well as for- 
merly, a sort of wine or meath is made from it, 
but which will only keep for a few days"^. 
The site of tlie Lotophagi may be very ac- 
curately determined from Herodotus. They 
must have occupied just the middle point of 
the coast of Tripoli, from about the island 
Meninx, which they likewise possessed, as far 
as the ancient Lcptis Magna, They had not 
certainly, spread themselves farther west, as 
we shall immediately see* The determination 
of this point is necessary, as it will be of great 
importance on another occasion* 

Next to them towards the cast, follow the 
Macce^ They cropped both sides of the head, 


" PoLva. ill, p. 384, and SttiAbO, p. 1 19U 

'' DAPrEfi, p. 2f>ß. In Tripoli is a inafket.{)Iace wlicrn tree-fruit, siitiihf 
tobea)]S, U bivugUt in hirjjfC qwantiiies. ]! comes diiefly from llie islami 
Jirbi, tlic ancicDl Meninx, Sec Tlllv, RtsUttire ht Trip**li^, p. 11, where 
the fruil is accurately described. [Sec also Tht Modern IVatv/Zer, Afrieat 
voLi, p. 43, and 254.] 

« Union, iv, 175, 176. 

CS AP, f 



leaving only a tuft on the top. The Cinyps', 
(Zenifes, and Magro), flows through their coun- 
try, and sened as a fixed boundary both for 
theircountryand that uf the Lotophagi. Accord- 
ing to Scylax, they only attended their flocks 
on the seacoast during the winter; in sum- 
mer, as soon as it became dry, they retired 
with them into the mountains. 

Finally, the extreme nation towards the east 
are the Nasamones ; for those adjoining are 
beyond the country of the Syrtes, and lie in 
the territory of Cyrene and Barca', The Na- 
samones were a very extensive race, and lived 
chiefly by tending their flocks. They sent 
a caravan yearly to Augila for dates, one of 
the principal articles of food in Africa. Be- 
tween them and the Macee another nation had 
formerly dwelt : these were the Psylli, who 
were buried in the sands during an excursion, 
or caravan-journey, into the interior of Libya. 
" The south wind/' says Herodotus, *' having 
dried up their water-springs, they came to the 
resolution of advancing towards the south ; but 
when they came to the sand, the south wind 

' Dappeh» p. 296, Tlie city founded near it of tlnf lame name was, 
«ven in the lime of Scyfax, 1. c. already ti wasle. [The trjaderti name of 
the Cinyps is, accordinij to BtrjHRv, Expe^iition to EipUtre tht ciwnt t\f 
Africat^io. 18^8, and AnnowsMiTJi, Eton CamjmTatne AliaSf lü'28, Khdkun. 
BuTLEt» caUs it Qnnhftm in llie index to his Ancient Ada*, Tbeso works 
have heeo publii^hed since the la.^1 German edilmn of Heeren, '/Van«,] 

t Naruely ihe AuickiM and CabaUs around the Greater Syrtis; ihe Am- 
hpu beyood Cyrene; the Gili^nmina: and die ^4</yrmofftr«y»r il welling on 
the frontier» of Egypt. AH nomad tribes, lliftoo. iv, 1G8 — 171. 





buried them\" How closely this narrative 
agrees with the place, we again learn from the 
latest discüveries. *'The south wind/* says 
Delia Cella, '* drives the sand out of the 



hich hi 

great desert URe mov 
whole caravans'." These are the nations in 
the eastern part of the Carthaginian dominions» 
from the Lesser Syrtis to the frontiers of Cyrene. 
It is improbable that they should all have va- 
nished from the earth ; and it seems they have 
not. They appear merely to have been pressed 
back into the mountains by the Bedouin Arabs, 
from whom they are distintruislied by descent 
and manners, although intermixed with them by 
marriage ^ Here they still live upon the lo- 
tus and honey ; their women decorate their legs 
with rings, and arc offered to strangers'. Their 
skin^ which they paint with ruddle, is even still 
so thickly crusted over that their true colour 
cannot be discerned. They were all, accord- 
ing to the distinct testimony of Herodotus, 
nomads, and from the nature of their soil were 
obliged to remain so. The relation in which 
they stood with the Carthaginians is nowhere 
expressly defined ; there is no doubt, however, 
of their being in subjection to them, as 
their country was always considered as part of 

h UEnouJv, 173. 

' Dllla Cella. Viaggio, p. 93. Their expedition wa^ probably ialeodci! 
far PhaiDiDla io the country oj^* ttie tiarAmamtcs. 
^ Della Ci.n,Aj, p. 154, 
' Dri.LA Cella, p. 109: cf^Uriiorj. iv, V68. 




the Carthaginian dominions. What tribute they 
were obliged to pay, we indeed know not, but 
supposing it to have been of ever so little im- 
portance to so great a commercial state, still 
the possession of this country, and a dominion 
over these nations, must have been a matter of 
the highest consideration. 

For, in the first place, they served them as 
a bulwark against the power of Cyrene. The 
growth of this Grecian colony was regarded by 
Carthage with a jealous eye, and she carried 
on many wars against it. Who could tell that 
it would not become a second Carthage ? And 
in that case, it could not be indifferent who 
was in possession of the desert by which the 
states were divided ; nor whom the hordes 
obeyed who wandered over it. 

But these nations were of still more import- 
ance to Carthage on another account. By 
them were formed the caravans which crossed 
the Libyan desert, and penetrated to the banks 
of the Niger, and journeyed eastward as far 
as Upper Egypt and /Ethiopia. By their 
means, as we shall see, Carthage maintained 
an intercourse with the interior of Africa, upon 
which depended a considerable portion of her 
trade, Ina following chapter I intend to give 
farther proofs of this. History, indeed, only 
gives us a few unconnected views of these 
secrets of the Carthaginian policy in trade; but 
fortunately they reveal so much that there can 
be no doubt respecting the principal facts. 





I have still to mention certain other towns, 
which under the name of Urbcs Mdagonitce, 
are sometimes met with as Carthaginian to\vns 
in Africa"'. Historians have not accurately 
defined their situation, but they certainly must 
be sought for on the coast of Numidia, west- 
ward of the proper territory of Carthage, A 
promontory is still found there called Metago- 
nium''; a district of precisely the same name; 
and even a people Mclagomi *". Pliny, on this 
account, takes the name Metagonitis to be 
synonymous with Numidia i. I understand, 
therefore, by these towns, all those settlements 
established by the Carthaginians on the coasts 
of Mauritania and Numidia, and which seem in 
a manner to have formed a regular chain from 
their frontier to the Pillars of Hercules. Should 
it still remain doubtful whether all those towTis 
were really comprised under that name, an au- 
thority has fortunately been preserved, which 
leaves the truth of the fact beyond dispute. We 
find in Scylax a specification of all the towns 
and harbours which lie along the shore, and on 
the small islands opposite, as far as the Pillars 
of Hercules. After the enumeration of them "^ he 

"« PoLtn. i, p. 458, 

" The preKDt Cubo di Ftrro bot far from Bon» ta ihc province of 

» See CtLLAKii Geog. Ant, vol. ii, 929, 936. 

P Plisy, V, 2. 

1 Scylax, p. 5L fd. Hudi, UnfortuD&tely their oames ate very miicli 
corrupted. According to the corrections of Vossius, Aey were called Col* 
lop»« Pithecui», TipAia, Caoacchis, Jol. ChalUi Siga, Mes. Acris, be- 






expressly adds, ** all the towns and marts from 
the Hesperides (on the Larger Syrtis) to the Pil- 
lars of Hercules, belong entirely to the Carthagi- 
nians." It is, therefore, certain that a chain of 
Carthaginian towns stretched as far as that 
point. These stations were of great import- 
ance to Carthage, both on account of the trade 
which she carried on with the inland oomad 
tribes that dwelt in their neighbourhood, and 
because they enabled her to keep open a com- 
munication by land with Spain, as well for her 
merchants as for her armies. Hannibal took 
care to have them all properly garrisoned be- 
fore he set out fur Italy. In other respects 
they seem not to have been of great import- 
ance^ as none of them ever attained any cele- 

From what we have now said, it will be 
easier to answer a question otherwise very 
difficult : namely, what were the boundaries of 
the Carthaginian empire in Africa ? We mean, 
of course, in its most flourishing state. On 
the south and north its limits are determined, 
but there is still some difficulty in settling them 
towards the west. Nature herself has traced 
the southern frontiers : the Carthaginian domi- 
nion reached as far as the land was fertile ; that 
is to say, to the Triton lake, which is besides 
expressly mentioned as the boundary». The 

sides the «mail island* of Acitim, Psamattius, cic. whose aituaüon cannot 
b« detArmincd. 

' PoLYB. i, 468. • St» ABO, p, 118». 



barren districts began, indeed, on this side the 
lake, but towns, nevertheless, were found asH 

far as the Triton lake, which were afterwards 
destroyed in the Roman wars*. 

With still more accuracy are the eastern 
frontiers defined* As in this part they joined 
another state, Cyrene, it became absolutely J 
necessary that the boundary should be deter- 
mined ; and long struggles and wars at length _ 
produced a treaty, in which the advantage was ^ 
on the side of the Carthaginians, as it secured 
them the districts between the Syrtes. Ac- 
cording to a tradition, it is said that the bro- 
thers Philgeni purchased this advantage by the 
sacrifice of their lives"; and, indeed the offering 
was not too great, if we remember, from what 
has been said before, how important these 
regions must have been, although barren, to 
Carthage. The last place in the Carthaginian 
dominions was Turns Euprantus, on the eastern 
shore of the Greater Syrtis, from whence a con- 
siderable contraband trade was carried on with 
Cyrene \ Near to this place stood the land- 
marks, which were named Arce Phiiwnorum, in I 
honour of the brothers. They were nothing 
more than mere marks of the boundaries, and 
were no longer in existence in the time o*^ - 

• STAAao. 1. c. 

« Salli^t, Jng. cap. TäxIx ; Valer, Max, v, (>, 4. According to SaI- 
Jusl, the war lu wlikli iliis gave fu^ was very fierce b^ilh by *ca a.nd l»jj<l, 
and liappcnei! tluring the flour UüJPg period of both powers. 

« SlHAIJÜ, p. IJP3. 




Straboy. In the accounts come down to us 
respecting these landmarks, all writers agree'. 

It is a task of much diffieiüty to determine 
the western boundaries. In this quarter no- 
mad hordes alone wandered about, and it will 
on that account alone be immediately seen that 
any certain limits were both impossible and un- 

According to the writers most worthy of 
credit, the Carthaginian dominions reached as 
far as the Gaditaman" gulf. But it is evident 
that this must not be understood to the letter. 
They had established cities, harbours, and forts 
along the coast, and in the small islands oppo- 
site, for reasons which I have already in part 
given. The permission of the nomad hurtles, 
who dwelt in these districts, was without doubt 
obtained for this purpose ; and in this way the 
Carthaginians came, by decrees, to be masters 
of the coast: a matter to them of the utmost 
importance, but of very little consequence to 
the native tribes. Carthage seems especially 
to have desired to secure this point, when the 
conquest of Spain first suggested itself to her. 
A communication with that province would 
thus be kept open by land, sliould any untoward 

y liiere küIJ exist, however, pilUrs of sandstone, witli insrriptioD» iilmoftt 
i)blitcrat«d» which may be taken for ihcm; DfXLA CtiLA, Vuiggto^ p. 77, 
Scylajr, in his lime, knew of but one ; oi tuv tptXäit'vi' Btüfiin, p. 47. So 
also Poi.VBiiTs» i, p. 469. The account of Sjllust is evidently ä corrupted 

' FoLYB. i* pi 469, and besides him SiyUn in the passage above (|uc»ted, 

* P0LT»,J-C. 



CHAP, 1. 

event interrupt it by sea. But we discover 
nowhere a trace, nor even so much as a hint, of 
her arrogatiii*i[ to herself an authority over the 
interior of Numidia and Mauritania. ** The 
Carthaginians/' says Strabo^ ** rule over Li- 
bya, wherever it is not occupied by mere no- 
mad hordes/' It is well known, also, that 
during the Roman wars the native princes of 
the neighboui'in^ country of Numidia appear 
as perfectly independent. Indeed, how could 
Carthage have maintained a dominion over 
them ? The Carthaginians certainly had formed 
an alliance with these princes, which they 
endeavoured to strengthen, and knit more 
closely, by giving them ladies of high rank in 
marriage ^ Some of them might perhaps at 
times have been tributary, but these exceptions 
cannot be taken for a rule. 

The most probable boundary to the west of 
the proper Carthaginian territory, where it 
stretched farther inland, was, therefore, in 
short, the point where the tribes who culti- 
vated the soil ceased, and the nomad hordes 
began. Although it is not likely that any line 
was drawn marking the exact boundary, yet 
we shall commit no great error by placing it 
under 8" east longitude. Beyond that was 
Hippo Regius, the residence of the Numidian 


*> SmiBo, p. 1169. 

<-' In this tnannei JIamilcir Baica ^iiiaed the nomad priace, Narvan» by 
the promise of his lUu^liier. Pulyja. i. p. 193. Tlie wetl-koowa example 
ofSophifUivba i% shown then tiot to l>c the only odc. 

CHAP. f. 



kings, which never belonged to Carthage ; an 
accurate definition is from the nature of things 

According to this survey, the fertile pro- 
vinces of Carthage, occupied by people who 
tilled the soil, extended from Cape Bon in 
a direct line to the most western angle of the 
Triton lake, a distance of nearly 200 geographi- 
cal miles. Its breadth in most parts was 150 
miles**. The northern part is usually called 
Zmgiiana, a name of uncertain derivation. It 
comprised, besides the capital, the most im- 
portant seaports, as Hippo Zarytus, Utica, 
Tunis, Clypea, and others, The interior of the 
country was everj^where filled with Cartha- 
ginian colonies and native tribes, who had 
intermingled with the Phoenicians. Vacca, 
Bulla, Sicca, and Zama, arc the best known of 
these settlements. The soil was fertile tlirough- 
out, but more particularly so on the banks 
af the Bagradas. The southern part was called 
Byzazium, It derived this name from the By* 
zantes, the principal race, which from the earli- 
est times had been settled in it, but had 
gradually intermixed with the Carthaginian 
colonies. Its coast was also covered with a 
succession of flourishing seaports, of which 
Adrumetum, the Leptis Minor, Tysdrus, and 
Tacape were the principal. 

* STRAfio, p. 1 189. gives 2500 sladia (280 mile»), but exprewly remarki, 
at ihe «ame time, ibat the autbontiei diJfer. 


58 CARTHAGINIAN chap. t. 

In the more extensive sense of the word, | 
another district was included in Byzazium, but 
which was very often separated from it, and 
requires here to be particularly noticed, on ac- 
count of its great importance to Carthage. I 
mean the country around the Lesser Syrtis and 
the Triton lake, which is generally mentioned 
under the name of Emporia \ All writers 
agree in praising it for its astonishing fer- 
tility. '* This region/' says Scylax^, "which 
is occupied by Libyans, is most magnificent 
and fertile, it abounds in tall fine cattle ; and 
its inhabitants arc most beautiful and wealthy."' 
It derived its name from the many flourishing 
towns it contained V, and which, as the name 
implies, were places of trade. From all the 
passages in Polybius concerning them, we learn 
the great esteem in which they were held 
by the Carthaginians. The principal cause off 
this might perhaps be, that they formed, es- 
pecially the capital, the chief places from which 
they drew their troops \ Their situation, 
moreover, renders it probable that they were 
the great staple towns for the trade with the 
interior of Africa, and it might be from this 
that they derived their name. 

* The tefritory of [Cmporia i* exprusly distinguished by PoLvnirs (i, p, 
436)« from Byzazium, or Dyssatus. In other places writers »re nol always 
very exact lespecting ii. 

' SCVLAX, p, 49. 

K HySriiAUO, p, 1191, an ifiwopttov is chiefly rüamed lis iniportant. A 
by AppfAw, Punk. cap. 7'2, il is called llie icriiloiy, t} ir«p« to ifiTrapntv 

*• Ulis is clear from PuLvn. ii, p. *^01. Compare i, p. 436» aod iv, 
p. 647. 







In addition to these cultivated countries, the 
abode of men who tilled the earth, Carthage pos- 
sessed the Regio Si/rtica, or the seacoast between 
the two Syrtes, extending from Tacape to the 
monument of the PhiUtm; a tract of about 400 
miles, inhabited by nomads, as the sandy na- 
ture of the soil rendered fruitless the labour of 
the husbandman. Great Leptis, a colony from 
Sidon, occasioned by civil disturbances*, and 
(Ea» were the only considerable towns in the 
whole district. The reasons why this country, 
notwithstanding, was of so rauch consequence to 
Carthage have been already given. From all 
that has now been said, I think I may draw the 
following important conclusions respecting the 
Carthaginian state. 

First : That the Carthaginian territory in 
Africa was never so completely united that all 
its parts stood in an equal and entire depend- 
ence upon the capital. The succession of old 
PhcEnician colonies along the coast was only, 
at least for some time, a number of confede- 
rate states, of which Carthage was certainly 
the head, but by no means the absolute mis- 
tress. Those nations were the only real sub- 
jects of Carthage who were accustomed to 
agriculture, to which manner of living they had 
been brought by the Carthaginians themselves, 
for the nomad tribes between the two Syrtes 
were only so far in subjection to Carthage as 
to pay tribute. 

' Sallvbt, J tig, cap, 78, 

60 CARTHAGINIANS. chap. i. 

Secondly: The internal weakness of Car- 
thage, so frequently remarked by every writer, 
and usually ascribed to her great military es- 
tablishments, and the employment of merce- 
naries, may be far more naturally explained by 
this very circumstance. The policy of the Car- 
thaginians did not extend so far as to make 
friends of the nations they conquered. The 
inborn hatred which the nomad hordes had 
previously felt, was continued, and nourished, 
and increased, by the oppression of their 
rulers. The approach of every enemy was 
considered by them as a signal of revolt ; how 
otherwise could Agathocles, and after him Re- 
gulus, have dared to invade Africa with only 
15,000 men, without deserving to be reproached 
for their temerity? and which they certainly 
would have justly merited under any other cir- 



Foreign possessions a/* Carthage, 


Carthage inherited from her parent state the 
spirit of commerce ; but the desire of conquest 
sprung, at first, from her situation, and was 
j^Bourished by success. 

j^' This will not appear stranp^e to any one who 
I understands the genius of powerful free states* 
There is no example of any great re|)ublic, 
either of ancient or modern times, that did not 
become a conquering state, provided its geo- 
graphical situation did not prevent it. Athens 
I and Sparta, Rome and Carthage, Venice and 
^Klenoa, are proofs of this fact. The latest and 
^^argest republics of Europe began and ended 
with conquest ; and North America will arrive 
at the same point, whenever space is wanting 
in which she may peaceably extend herself. 

The states of Phoenicia Proper were re- 
publics, although they had what were called 
kings. But there are some states, which, from 
their situation, are obliged to renounce ail pro- 
jects of conquest, or, at least, to confine them 
within very narrow bounds ; and such were 




these. Their small territory was surrounded 
by powerful empires, against whom they could 
not always defend even their own independence. 
The case with Carthage was entirely differ- 
ent. Built on the edge of a large quarter of 
the globe, whose warlike nomads afforded, for 


numerous armies ; and almost surrounded 

by countries without a master, she could con- 
quer, and soon found it her interest so to do. 
For the first time, therefore, histury here shows 
us a free and powerful commercial state, whose 
greatness was founded upon foreign possessions 
acquired by force of arms. 

From the conquests made by such a com- 
mercial state, certain circumstances necessarily 
arose, which obliged them to pursue a different 
line of policy from that followed by the Per- 
sians and Babylonians, who took countries by 
assault, and subdued and plundered one nation 
after another, for no other reason but because 
it was yet a nation to plunder and subdue. 
It must by no means be inferred from this that 
the Carthaginians, throughout their whole 
course, pursued one fixed formal plan of ag- 
grandizement, but only that experience had 
pointed out to them certain maxims upon 
which they acted whenever it was possible, 
and which they only left for some cogent 
reason. This line of conduct was planted in 
the spirit of the aristocratic government, where 
such maxims so easily become hereditarj^ in the 
ruling families, of which history shows us such 




evident proofs as to leave no doubt of the 

Even the extent and nature of their pos- 
sessions on the continent prove clearly enough, 
that a willing moderation, flowing from this 
principle, was connected with their system of 
aggrandization, which prevented them from oc- 
cupying more than they intended to retain. 
Did there ever exist a more powerful state 
whicli had such large and tempting prospects 
of increasing its dominion, and which, never- 
theless, limited its extent so willingly? Be- 
hind her proper territory, Carthage saw spread- 
ing itself the immeasurable Africa, in which no 
other state was yet formed, and which in a 
manner seemed waiting for a ruler. Notwith- 
standing this, her proper dominions here were, 
and remained, confined within a moderate 
compass. Western Europe offered her the same 
temptation. But even the rich country of 
Spain, known to them so minutely, although 
they had several settlements therein, could not 
incite them to a regular conquest of it, until it 
offered them, in time of need, when their po- 
litical power had lost its balance, a compensation 
for Sicily, during the last struggle with Rome, 

But their foreign possessions chiefly show, 
that they followed one maxim equally simple 
and natural. A maritime and commercial 
nation would soon, of itself become ac- 
quainted Nvith the fact, that it could have no 
better or mure secure possessions than islands. 



CHAP, If. 

That large contiücnts, although upon pressing 
occasions they may quietly, at least for a time,^ 
shut their ports, or suffer a blockade from with- 
out, cannot be maintained by a fleet : of this 
North America furnishes us with a sufficient _ 
example in modern times. The policy of the | 
Carthaginians must soon have discovered this, 
and they limited, therefore, even in the most a 
flourishing period of the republic, their foreign ™ 
possessions almost exclusively to islands'. 
These served both to shelter their squadrons, 
and to conceal their designs ; here no trouble- ■ 
some rivals were to be feared, and if any 
showed themselves they were easily restrain- — 
ed ; here commercial activity, unperceived,^ 
could exert itself; here no loss was to be ap- 
prehended in an age when there were no great 
maritime powers as rivals. 

These were all established maxims which 
the Carthaginians imdeviatingly followed in 
their conquests, and the western half of the 
Mediterranean, sprinkled with large and small 
islands, opened to them a field which seemed 
just suited to their situation and power. His- 
tory has preserved to us but few accounts re- 
specting the occasion of their first conquests«fl 
The private settlements which the Carthaginians" 

* Tlic republic of ihe united stales of Hollaod has followei), in mode: 
lime», a siinilar policy w:lh reganl lo iLs East Iridic possessions, smith 
«xamjUe confirms the truth of ihe remark. With how much more w 
and vr'nh »till greater advantagi?» has Hollftud maiotaincd beraclf in lodit« 
than thhfT France or England ; the Eaai Indian empire of the latier 
thretlens to fall in ihcend under its nun weight. 





at first established here, gave them, probably, 
opportunities of interfering in the broils of the 
native tribes, and the system of conquest arose 
out of the system of colonization. This, how- 
ever, does not appear to have been the case 
with Sicily. We know of no regular colonies 
planted there by the Carthaginians. They 
seem at once to have entered upon its con- 
quest; and history has not left us altogether 
in the dark respecting wkeit and bi/ whom this 
design was first prosecuted. It took place 
just at the time that the Persians, under Cyrus 
and his immediate successors, started forth as 
conquerors in Asia, namely, in the latter part 
of the sixth and in the beginning of the fifth 
century before the Christian era^ The Car- 
thaginians were at that time indebted for the 
foundation of their power to one single family, 
namely, to that of Mago, which gave them a 
succession of heroes similar to that of the 
Barcas at a later period. Mago himself, the 
founder, was the first who introduced military 
discipline and created their foreign power \ 

^ Befween D. C. 550 — 450. JurriN, iix, 1, gives ut aulbority for 
a\\ the folluwtng slalemenU. The cbronolog^y here is derived from the fuct« 
that DariuR, before his expeduioo against ihe Greek«, sent lo Harailcai for 
iMifTinrffi Therefore about l lie year 490, Bui: his brolher and f^tber had ftad 
the commtnd before him. aii had his sens after htm. Wecannol tberefure^ 
Dpau the whole, err in this statemefit. Attempts at coocjuest in Sicily and 
Sirdioia hail indeed been made by Malcusji or JMalchu^, before the time of 
MitfO' but ibai ia Sardinia ended unfortunately, and sent its commander 
wto exile- /vrriN, xviii, 7. It muAt therefore have happened belweeti 
600 and 550; and «^a« the first noticed in history. 

( Jugy.jjj I c. Pr'tmni omni«iW, ordinata dmtpUna milUarit imptrium 


06 CARTHAGINIANS chap. h. 


He was succeeded by his two sons, Asdrubal 
and Hamilcar, who made Sardinia the scene of fl 
their conquests. Here Asdrubal fell, after 
having been eleven times tommander ; his 
native town honoured him with a public mourn- 
ing. His brother, upon whom he bestowed 
the command before his death, met with a 
similar fate in Sicily, as after being defeated in 
battle by Gelon of Syracuse, he is said to have 
killed himself*. Each of them left three sons, 
those of Hamilcar were Himilco, who succeeded 
to his fathers command in Sicily; Hanno, to M 
whom, perhaps, we are indebted for the Peri- 
plus; and Gisco. Those of Asdrubal were Han- 
nibal, Asdrubal, and Sappho. All were placed 
at the head of the armies of the republic *, and 
extended its dominion both without and within 
Africa, by their victories over the Mauritanians 
and Numidians. They are also said to have 
been the first who relieved Carthage from 
paying tribute to the Libyans. This is all M 
the information we have respecting these con- ^ 
quests. The following more minute survey 
of their provinces will serve to prove the re- 
marks already made. 


The first and most important province of the 
Carthaginians was Sardinia, the largest of all 

^ In ihe y«ftr B. C. 480« Uehod. vii, 167. 

* P«r hon r«! Cartha^inientiuM *m twmpttttttt ^tnbaHtttr, Jvmn U r. 

rHAp, ir. 


HllS islands of which they became completely 
masters. Its inhabitants, with the exception 
iMtof a few iiisigniticant tribes, who retreated into 
"their inaccessible mountains, were all brought 
under the subjection of the Carthaginians, who 
founded Calaris (Cagliari), which still remains 
the capital', and Sulchi, both on the south side 
of the island. On every occasion, and in ul- 
^imost all the genuine documents which have 
|iescended to us respecting Carthage, Sardinia 
appears as their first and most valuable pro- 
vince ; and in these it is expressly mentioned 
immediately after their territory in Africa, with 
which it is placed on an equal footing. The 
first two treaties with Rome atfbrd sufficient 
proof of* this. By the earlier of these, it is 
true, the Romans were permitted to trade in 
Sardinia, as well as in Libya, that is to say, in 
the Carthaginian territory in Africa, yet only 
under great restrictions. In the second their 
ships were forbidden, in express terms, to enter 
the ports of either«. 

It seems remarkable that this large island, 
about 162 miles in length, and from between 
60 and 70 in breadth, should have been, both 
in ancient and more modern times, the least 
known of any country in Europe. It is only 
lately that a better description has been ob- 
tained of it"> and that only increases our desire 

' P*iT8Aj*r. E, p. 838. » PoLTH. vol, i. p. 435, 43Ö. 

•• Krvht, Hiitoire gf^grapftitptt fnAitlqu« tt naturette dt la Sardaigne, 


F 2 


cnAi». ir. 



for farther informatiuii ; previous to this, Ota- 
heite and Owhyhee were better known to lis f 
than Sardinia ; and the knowledge of the 
ancients respecting it was equally scanty. 

The great value in which the Carthaginians 
held this island, and were necessarily obliged 
to hold it, may be accounted for from its geo- 
graphical situation ; for a nation whose exist- 
ence depended upon maintaining a dominion 
over the western Mediterranean, and which 
never completely subdued Sicily, could not do 
otherwise than make Sardinia their principal 
station. There is no doubt but it was likewise 
the emporium for their trade with the west of 
Europe, with which they kept up a constant 
intercourse, and indeed no situation was better 
adapted for that purpose. 

Sardinia, however, was not of less importance 
to the Carthaginians on its own account; for in 
affording them supplies of corn, it was only- 
surpassed by their African dominions. It is 
thus spoken of upon every occasion in their 
history : even its rudest and most savage 
native tribes, who dwelt in the mountains, 
were not entirely ignorant of agriculture. The 
mountainous districts of the island, it is true, 
were not much adapted to husbandry; but its 
fertile valleys and plains were not at all inferior 
to those of Sicily«'. But no one who con- 

* DiomtMus, I, p. 274, Polv«. i^ 305. 
*' SitUMo, p, 344, c!c. 


siders how numerous her armies were, and 
also the little attention paid to agriculture at 
that period in the west of Europe and in 
Africa', will question the great importance of 
this fruitful country to Carthage. 

But besides this, there is another circum- 
stance which, it is probable, greatly increased 
the value of Sardinia in the eyes of the Cartha- 
ginians. Although it admits not of proof, there 
are many reasons for supposing that mines 
were worked there, which yielded a rich pro- 
duce of precious stones and metals. That 
countries containing one or both of these had a 
peculiar charm both for the Phanicians and 
Carthaginians, is already well known. Gold 
is now in vain sought for in Sardinia, though 
that island is still rich in silver"'. Among the 
precious stones the sardel holds the first rank : 

* We may quote Sardinia as a prcwf of the manner :ä which the Ca/lha> 
gioiaok were \ronl lo Ireal ibeir provinces* When (be Romans took i( (torn 
the Carthagintaits it wa» in a flourisluiig condition, FnLvn. i, p. 1&6. The 
latter do not appear cerlainly to havt been the drnl who iolroducrd agri« 
culture into this itlandi, although they certainly increased tt very much 
nmong Its ancient inhabitants. The varlüus races of these Slraho ho* mi'- 
DUtety specified. Otie part of tWm dwelt m caves in iht most inaccessible 
mouDlains^ and these it was that the Carthaginians could never completfjy 
subjugate. Stuabo, p* 344, and Diodorls, i, p. 342. Sdrdioia, hottever, 
in geocMl, was from the earliejl time» occupied by forei^jn B«;ltl«?rSt whu 
are »iiost satisfactorily enumerated by Pavsanias, *, p. 838. A particnUr 
account, but coin|jletcly at variance with all iheie remarks, is found in the 
treatise de Mimlnttbin, cap. 105, ascnbcd lo Arislolloa "The Carlhu- 
ginians," it i» there iiid, ** had rooleel up all the fruit trtes in Sardinia, and 
interdicted agriculture to the inhabnaiiis upon pnin of death." Wliencn 
this itle couJd come I know not. The »alerdiciiün, perhaps, ouly referred 
to the unconr|Ucrable cave-dwellers, that they «li^ht »larve ihtm out. 

•• A/UNJ. \u p. S"*!* where the several silver mines are enumerated. 
Mi^t Dot some traces b« even »ull found ihure nf ancient wo*k»? 

70 CARTHAGINIANS. chap. ii. 

it is not unfrequently found in the island», 
though whether it derives its name from that, 
or, according to Pliny % from the city of Sardes 
in Lydia, is uncertain. The high value put 
upon this stone by the ancients, and its im- 
portance in commerce, may be known from the 
frequent use made of it by lapidaries. I am 
induced to believe that the Carthaginians ob« 
tained treasures of this kind from the island, 
by the pains which they took to keep all 
strangers at a distance from it. That they did 
this has already been shown in the above 
mentioned treaties with Rome. Strabo also 
states p, that strangers were forbidden, upon 
pain of death by drowning, to sail to Sardinia, 
or the Pillars of Hercules. By the Pillars of 
Hercules we must here understand the south- 
western part of Spain, where their richest mines 
were situated. Might not then the severe 
prohibition respecting Sardinia arise from the 
same cause? 

Carthage kept a garrison in Sardinia, formed 
almost entirely of mercenaries*'. Civil and 
military authority seem here, as well as in the 
other foreign possessions of Carthage, to have 
been separated, and not bestowed on one 
person ' ; a regulation which, if it really ex- 

n Azi'M. i>> p. 351. 

° Flx.nv, xxxvii, 7. That the Canhaginians carried on a considerable 
trade in precious stones I shall prove in another place. 
P Stiiauo, pm. 1154. i Polvb. i, p. 195. 

' PoLYB.i, ^. 195, where the Boetharch (the governor in times of peace), 
is distinguishes ^ from the Siralef^ot, 

CHAP. ir. 


isted^ gave it a decided preference over Rome in 
the manner of governing its foreign provinces. 

The conquest of Sardinia cost the Cartha- 
ginians many wars, as has already been re- 
marked. The Etrurians are said to have pos- 
sessed it before them ; but I find no trace 
of their having carried on a war with them 
respecting it. In the first treaty concluded 
between Carthage and Rome, B. C. 509, 
namely in the period of Darius Hystaspes, it 
appears to have been completely a Cartha- 
ginian province. According to the above-men- 
tioned accounts of Justin, however, from which 
indeed only a general chronology can be de- 
duced» they were still at this period busily 
engaged in its conquest ; but the glaring 
contradiction instantly vanishes if we re- 
member, that frequent revolts occasioned fre- 
quent wars. Sardinia remained a Cartha- 
ginian province till the year B, C. 237, a little 
beyond the close of the first war with Rome. 


The name of Corsica but seldom occurs in 
Carthaginian history, and it is doubtful whether 
it was ever entirely brought under the domi- 
nion of that republic. From a very early date 
it appears to have been occupied by the Etru- 
rians, and a part of it seems to have contiuued 
subject to their authority. On one occasion, 
however, when their jealousy had been roused. 

^fcgAP, ff. 



weak authority. Certain it is, at all events, 
that they never gained much from this island, 
nor could it ever have been of so much im- 
portance to them as Sardinia". Its soil was 
rugged and sterile, and the inhabitants savage ; 
Carthaginian policy was, besides, too profound to 
place much value on a possession which would 

riave been more expensive than useful. Their 
only care was to prevent rivals from settling 
there, who might disturb their commerce or 
interrupt their navigation. 

^f The largest of the islands I have reserved 
till now, because it was never entirely subdued 
by Carthage. Had that republic once effected 
this object, which she was more than once on 
the point of doing, her dominion would pro- 
bably have been established for centuries, and 
Rome would hive been unable to shake it. 

A glance at the map, with some knowledge 
of the fertility and internal riches of Sicily, 
will be sufficient to justily that policy of Car- 
thage, whose principal and almost only aim 
twas the possession of this island ; an object she 
endeavoured to effect with all that firmness 
and constancy which so peculiarly belongs to 
aristocratical governments- How much the 
dominion of the Mediterranean, the provision- 

" Sec Stmj»bo, p. 342; and FJioDonts. i, p. 340, Dindlorus says» tiral 
the Etruriaa« **' »o^«*^ '""* 1**^ ^^^^ mailers of llie btaud. 




ing of her armies, and the trade in oil and 
wine, depended upon the execution of this 
project, it were needless to prove. The 
island besides is of so moderate extent, that 
she would have had no difficulty in maintain- 
ing it. 

Sicily was also the point where the interest 
of the Carthaginians and Greeks dashed. Both 
of them here possessed cities; but those of the 
former were soon eclipsed by the latter. The 
Greek cities were free independent states, 
and that, combined with the extraordinary fruit- 
fulness of the soil, and the unobstructed sale of 
their merchandize, enabled them to raise them- 
selves to a considerable pitch of opulence and 
power* Those of Carthage, on the contrary, 
were founded with all that economy, and 
watched with all tliat jealousy, which is pecu- 
liar to suspicious, niggardly merchants. The 
best among them would not bear a comparison 
with Agrigentum, much less with Syracuse. 

Carthage, so far as we know, founded no 
new colonies in Sicily. The Phoenicians Proper 
had already established some settlements there, 
which, as the power of the Carthaginians ex- 
tended itself, fell into their hands*. The latter 

« Thucvij. lib. VI, cap, 2. The most impartant passage in Thucydiiies 
respecting ihe fir&l establishmenl or CartUa>jinian dominion in Sicily t« 
ob}M:ure; bec»u$e ihe expression ^>tvu*ic niay as uell be referred to the 
Piojier Phoenician» a» to the Cariliaginians. The hisinriau intends, in my 
opinion, \o enilirace both by »l- Ue enunierale» the nations which h<»d 
e.^tab1ished themselves in Sicily, and a& the PhueDicriins and CArthaginiaos 
were tlcucndcd from the sarae stock, he only reckons them as one* The 




here also, as they did on many other occasions, 
trod in the footsteps of their parent state, 
whose dominion and navigation in the western 
part of the Mediterranean fell in the same ratio 
as theirs increased. The settlements of the 
Phoenicians spread at first over alt the coasts 
of the island, since they possessed the pro- 
montories and the islets lying around» But 
as the Greeks continually extended their pos- 
sessions, the others on the contrary, in the same 
degree, were always forced to retire ; and so 
became at last limited to merely the western 
part of the island, where Motya, Panormus, 
and Soloes, fur a long time remained their 
principal settlements. Thej' likewise often 
found allies in the neighbouring people Elymi. 

Carthage seems at first only to have obtained 
possession of those cities from whence lay, as 
Thucydides remarks, the shortest passage to 
Carthage- By this she appears to have gained 
a strong footing in the island, and was fully 
satisfied, during the increasing power of the 
Greeks, if she could maintain her ground. 

But frequent contentions with the native 
inhabitants soon led to wars ; and these to 
plans of conquest, which even from the begin- 
ning seem to have been forwarded by the con- 
tinual dissension of the Greek cities in Sicily 
among themselves, some of whom invited the 

Ueginnitig oJ the passage, therefore. refcr$ lo iho Phcroiciana, as lUe firai 
colnniit», i'he close, on the conUary, icfera lojht* Carihiiginian», as ii 
Male», ihut iliev pot*«sswl ihe cities which lay nciresl lo Carlliuge, 




CHAP. ir. 

Carthaginians to their assistance. We are told 
by some writers that they also formed alliances 
with the Persians: first with Darius, during 
his war with the Greeks ; and again with 
Xerxes during his celebrated expedition against 
their country^. At all events it was at this 
exact point of time that Hamilcar, son of Mago, 
endeavoured to advance the Carthaginian arms 
in Sicily. He was unsuccessful : for on the 
very same day that the might of Asia was over- 
thrown at Salamis by the Athenians and their 
allies, was the united power of Africa destroyed 
by their western countrymen in Sicily ; and 
Hamilcar himself fell a sacrifice to his enter- 
prise*. The Greeks after this enjoyed for 
some time a state of tranquillity on the island, 
as the Carthaginians could only maintain them- 
selves in their old possessions on its western 

This tranquillity, however, was not of long 
duration, and after the second change of the 
republican government of Syracuse into a mo- 
narchy, under Dionysius L (B. C. 410), the 
Carthaginians made a new attempt to conquer 
Sicily. The contention of two Greek cities, 
one of whom, Segesta, called in their assistance 
against Selinus, gave them a new opportunity 
of commencing hostilities. The rapid progress, 
however, which they at first made, extended 
their views; it proved also the cause of a revo- 

7 lltUOD, VII, IbS. 

Ill (he y<aj H. C. 480. 

CHAP, n* 



lutiou in Syracuse, whicli gave despotic power 
to Dionysius. He and his successors, especially 
Agathocles, pursued, as often as circumstances 
would permit, the same uniform design of con- 
verting Sicily, and Lower Italy if possible, 
into one kingdom. Had this design been car- 
ried into execution, Carthage would not only 
have lost her possessions on the island, but 
would probably have anticipated her approach- 
ing overthrow: if not a sudden, a lingering 
decay must have brought her to her end. To 
say nothing of the dominion of the Mediterra- 
nean, which she would thereby have lost, as 
well as have been cut off from Sardinia, and 
have had her sea trade ruined, how would she 
have been able to withstand the united efforts 
of the Greek states of Sicily and Magna Gr^cia ? 
Circumstances would naturally have given rise 
to bloody wars. It could nut, therefore, have 
been either a false or ambitious policy in Car* 
thage, to make every exertion in her power to 
frustrate their intention. 

The history of these wars does not properly 
belong to this place. They continued, with 
little interruption, till the commencement of 
the struggle with Rome— nearly one hundred 
and fifty years (410—264, B. C), without 
either party being able completely to expel the 
other from the island. It is probable, however, 
that the Carthaginians only wanted a great 
commander to put them in entire possession of 
Sicily. Had a Hannibal at that time been at 


78 CARTHAGINIANS. chap. ii. 

their head, neither the timid and insolent Dio- 
nysius, nor the adventurer Agathocles, would 
have been able to have withstood them. Sy- 
racuse, moreover, had its most dangerous 
enemy within its walls. The inhabitants of 
that city were by far the most restless of all 
the states of Greece. Their own commander, 
as Polybius cleverly observes*, dared not re- 
move his army to any distance without the 
walls, because he might be sure that during its 
absence a revolution would take place. The 
history of the world, indeed, could scarcely 
produce another state, which, in so short a space 
of time, underwent such various, such sudden» 
and such violent changes in its form of govern- 
ment. Its history, in reality, might with great 
justice be called, a practical compendium of 
the art of government. 

It would be a fruitless undertaking to at- 
tempt the settlement of the Carthaginian 
boundaries during these wars. They were 
subject to continual changes, dependent upon 
the success of their arms. In the treaty of 
peace, however, made in the year B. C, 383, 
the little river Halycus, on the south side of 
the island, was fixed upon as their frontier**, 
and it may be regarded as the usual boundary 
after that time ; so that about the third part of 
the island, which lay on the western side of that 
river, was under the dominion of the Cartha- 

■ Poly B. i, p. 19. •» DioDonir», ii, p. 503, et ibi nota. 




giniaos, subject however to frequent varia- 
tion. In the time of Agathocles they seem 
only to have wanted the city of Syracuse to 
complete their conquest of the whole island ; 
while at other limes they found theinselves 
limited to their original possessions, which 
they endeavoured more firmly to secure by 
removing their principal seat to Lilybseum 
(after Motya had been taken from them by 
Dionysius), as being a better situation for their 
fleet and armies ^ 


The remaining smaller islands in the Medi- 
terranean, as well those lying along the coast 
of Africa and Sicily as those in the open sea, 
were all taken possession of by the Cartha- 
ginians. They cost them little to maintain, 
and served as so many staples for their goods, 
and as stations for their vessels to touch at in 
their long voyages. Nearly all these had pre- 
viously been Phcenician settlements, and his- 
tory does not inform us of the exact epochs 
when the Carthaginians became, in each of 
them, the heirs and successors of their fore- 
fathers. They were probably obtained without 

*^ DioiHinirst i, p. 


The greater and lesser Balearean islands, 
Majorca and Minorca, together with the neigh- 
bouring Ebusus, or Yvica, they seem to have 
occupied at an early period. Diodorus fixes the 
time when they took possession of the latter at 
one hundred and sixty years from the building 
of Carthage"*. It produced wine, oil, and fine 
wool. The Carthaginians built in it the colo- 
nial city Ebusus, celebrated for the splendour 
of its buildings, and its excellent harbour ; but 
it may be questioned whether they ever became 
masters of the whole island. The inhabitants 
of the Baleares were Troglodytes, and fought 
as slingers in the Carthaginian armies. Excel- 
lent mules were bred in these islands, and the 
Carthaginians found among the inhabitants a 
ready sale for their African slaves, particularly 
females ; their situation sufficiently shows, 
that they were at the same time the principal 
staples for the Spanish trade. 

Nearer to the African coast lie the islands 
Melita, Gaulos, and Cercina*. The first two 
of these islands were also very early occupied 
by the Phoenicians, as we learn from monu- 
ments and coins still existing, probably about 
the same time that they founded their colonies 
on the opposite coasts of the continent ^ Next 

'^ DiouoKvs, i, p. 343. 

• See Cluver, Sic. Ant, p. 425, etc. Their preseot Dames are Malta» 
ÖOZO, and Karkenna. 

^ The principal work on ancient Malta, but which did not appear till 
after the third edition of these Inquiries, is Malta Antica iUustrata, co* Monu- 
tMnti e coll' htoria dal Prelato Onqhato Bres; Roma, 1816. 

CHAP. ir. 



them, and seemingly also at a very early 
period, an Ionian colony from Chalcis settled 
there, as is likewise shown by coins and in- 
scriptions *. It is impossible to determine 
exactly when they were brought under the 
dominion of Carthage ; most likely about the 
same time that she eftected her conquests in 
Sicily and Sardinia, but certainly not later. 
When Scylax wrote they were already occupied 
by the Carthaginians \ Malta was a principal 
mart for Carthaginian manufactures, chiefly 
for w^oven goods. From this place the finest 
cloths were exported*. Malta was therefore 
covered with large manufactories and build- 
ings, and the inhabitants derived from their 
industry a high degree of prosperity and opu- 
lence. Gaulos and Cercina served as con- 
venient stations for ships ; the harbour of the 
latter was even sufficiently large to hold vessels 
of war. I pass by the other smaller islands- 
such as Lipara, and those belonging to it, 
which, previous to the commencement of the 
Roman wars, had been subjected by Car- 
thage S who was enriched by their produce, 
and benefited by their harbours. The express 
assertion of Polybius^ that all the islands of 
the western Mediterranean belonged to her 

■ Especially a tetura Ho$pUatis, l>eiidcf the money ia&ued by ihe people 
and Moate of Malta. I^re«, p. 91. 


YLJtX. p. 



Rlffi« I. p* 

* PoLYli. i, p. 53. 

♦ Ibid. i. p. 32. 



CHAP, fl. 

makes it unnecessary that we should point 
them out separately by name. 

Respecting the internal government of these 
provinces, and the relation in which the Car- 
thaginians stood with the inhabitants, very little 
information unfortunately can be obtained. 
If we may judge of the other islands from what 
we know of Sardinia, the republic garrisoned 
them with bodies of mercenary troops, com- 
manded by Carthaginian othcers. This, plan 
was also adopted in Malta"". Its inhabitants, 
however, could never be entirely brought under 
the dominion of Carthage; many of them chose 
rather to retire into their inaccessible fastnesses, 
and dwell in caves, where the Carthaginians 
could not approach them: forbidding the intro- 
duction or possession of silver and gold lest 
they should excite the cupidity of their ene- 


v. SPAIN. 

Should what has been already said respect- 
ing that principle of Carthaginian policy, which 
led them to confine their conquests within 
certain bounds, want farther confirmation, no 
country will give it so well as Spain, Carthage 
possessed for a long time, perhaps centuries, 

"I When i)ie coniul Semprontus took the i»la»d in 2!ö, the Carthtgimao 

garrison, under Ilnmilcar the »oni of Gjsco* was '2,000 strong, Livy, xxt,5U 

" Tlie tntiabiunta of the Batetrian Ulo^nds ar« ao exampl« of thla. Dto- 




settlements iu Spain, and had entered into a 
close connection with tlie tribes which in- 
habited it, without aiming at a complete con- 
quest of the country, or the subjugation of its 
(inhabitants. She did not venture to take this 
step till the loss of Sicily and Sardinia pointed 
it out to her as the only means of preserving 
herself, and counterbalancing the formidable 

^ power of the Romans* 

■ It is difficult, or rather impossible» to point 
out the exact period when the Carthaginians 
first obtained footing in Spain. Here, as well 
as in SicilVt they trod in the footsteps of their 
forefathers the Pha?nicians, From time imme- 
morial that people, as has been shown in our 
inquiries respecting them, made that ancient 
Mexico the chief object of their voyages, and 
there formed settlements, some of which after- 
wards became, in their torn, opulent and 
powerful states. Who is unacquainted with 
Gades, Carteja, and Tartessus? South-west 
Spain, or the country of the Turdetani, the 
present Andalusia, was the proper territory 
of Phcenician colonies. Of the history of their 

■settlements, however, such scanty accounts 
have descended to us, that we can only form a 

^general notion of their government and of their 

J relations as well among themselves as with 
Carthage. Gades was and continued the 
principal among them, and seems to have 
exercised a kind of authority over the others, 
or at least to have been the chief of these allied 

G 2 

84 CARTHAGINIANS. chap. ii. 

cities. It was likewise the seat of the national 
god, the Tyrian Hercules. There existed, 
therefore, a relation between these cities simi- 
lar to that which existed between Carthage 
and her neighbouring colonies, and that be- 
tween Tyre and the towns around her in the 
parent state. The number of settlements on 
the coast had also produced an intermix^ 
ture with the ancient inhabitants; and this 
had created a mingled race, called BastuU^ 
similar to the Liby-Phoenicians in Africa, whom 
the inhabitants of the interior would not ac- 
knowledge as their brethren». We may see 
by this, that Gades bore a great similarity 
to Carthage, although it seems never to have 
equalled her in power. 

It was in the south-western districts that the 
Carthaginians planted their first settlements in 
Spain. That this took place at a very early 
period is rendered probable by their early oc- 
cupation of the Balearian islands, which cer- 
tainly were of no use to them but as places to 
touch at in their intercourse with the penin- 
sula. But the express testimony of Scylax, a 
contemporary writer who lived in the flourish- 
ing period of the republic, renders the fact 
certain. ** Beyond the Pillars of Hercules in 
Europe," says he, ** are found a number of 
Carthaginian marts •*." These settlements must 

" See ihe proofs in MANNF.m. Cieos;. \, p. 224. 
P SCYLAX, p. 1. 


moreover have caused a farther extension and 
increase of possessions at a very early period, 
even a considerable time before the commence- 
ment of the Roman war. This is incontro- 
vertibly proved by the testimony of Polybius, 
from whom we learn that the Carthaginians 
even at that time were not only masters of all 
the islands of the western Mediterranean **, but 
also of many parts of Spain. It would be 
a vain attempt to endeavour to define accu- 
rately how much belonged to them ; but from 
the nature of things we must place their pos- 
sessions in the southern and western part of 
the peninsula. There is, however, much room 
to doubt whether their dominion extended far 
into the country ; for at the commencement 
of the conquests of Hamilcar Barca in Spain, 
not even the Tartessians, who dwelt on the 
banks of the lower Guadalquivir, were under 
their subjection, but were the first to be at- 
tacked '. It is, therefore, highly probable that 
down to this period their dominion there, 
though equal in extent to that of their fore- 
fathers, did not reach far beyond the coast. 

However this might be, they derived great 
and most important advantages from these 
colonies. Even their close connection with 
the opulent city of Gades, was in more than 
one way beneficial to them. In consequence 
of the rich silver mines, which lay just in its 

«1 PoLYB. i, p. 22. ' DioDoiu's, ii, p. 510. 




neighbourhood, the piiee of silver must have 
been much lower here than in more distant 
countries where it was not to be found. Hence 
the Carthaginians opened a market for their 
own conimodities in Spain, and extended 
themselves all over the country, if not as 
conquerors, at least as merchants. From here 
they drew the best of their mercenary troops; 
and the harbour of Gades served at the same 
time as a station for their vessels in their distant 
voyages beyond the Pillars of Hercules, along 
the shores of the ocean. 

The mines of this country, and the rich 
treasures they yielded» were nevertheless the 
great points of attraction. These had already 
been opened and worked by their forefathers 
the Phanicians, Here then, the way was 
again ready paved for them ; and they most 
probably attempted, in the infancy of their 
settlements, to turn these mines to account. 
Even during their Sicilian and Libyan wars, 
they were enabled by them, according to the 
express declaration of Diodorus', to maintain 
the mighty armies which they at that time 
raised; and the mines which the Romans at a 
later period worked, had all been previously 
opened by the Carthaginians. This, however, 
does not render the fact less certain that the 
attempt to conquer the whole country, which 
was undertaken and prosecuted during the 




' DiouORLt, i, p. 36»\ 



Roman wars, was the principal cause of the 
working of these mines being carried to its great- 
est extent; but seems rather, from the nature 
of things, to confirm it. 

It appears, therefore, that the relations of 
Carthage with Spain, during the whole of her 
most flourishing period, were altogether of a 
peaceable nature. She enjoyed all the advan- 
tages which this rich country could bestow 
without risk or expense, and simply because 
»he had sufficient moderation to prefer a quiet 
intercourse to the glitter of conquest. The 
silver mines, whether under her dominion or 
not, were equally beneficial to her ; as by the 
profitable sale of her wares, she received the 
treasures they produced. The Spanish tribes 
were her friends and allies, and willingly 
served in her armies for a moderate pay. Car- 
thage long enjoyed the fruits of this policy ; 
her treasury was filled, and her argosies rode 
widely undisturbed across the seas. The pres- 
sure of circumstances, which time brought 
about, compelled her to change this policy ; 
but they arose out of a series of misfortunes 
which gradually sapped the foundation of the 
republic, and caused her overthrow. This I 
shall have opportunities of showing as I pro- 

Respecting the manner of governing the pro- 
vinces, we have some occasional hints; but 
nothing like detailed accounts. We glean from 
the whole, that they were always intrusted to 

88 CARTHAGINIANS. chap. ii. 

a single person, who was usually called general 
(a-rparyiyU) ; though this appellation by no means 
designated merely a military character, and is 
much better translated hy governor or lieutenanV. 
Such a strategoSy or commander, was first in 
Carthage itself". Another was placed over the 
Carthaginian territory in Libya"; and again 
another was named to Sicily and Sardinia'. It 
seems also to have been a custom, as might 
naturally be expected in a state founded by 
conquest, that the commander of the army 
should likewise be the governor. Neverthe- 
less, in those provinces which were completely 
subjugated, and remained tranquil, we find 
mention of boetharchs instead of strategoi: 
This appellation did not exclude military com- 
mand; and we may therefore doubt whether 
the difference did not consist rather in the 
name than in the power of the officer. The 
authority of the governors in the provinces 
must have been very great, as with them 
principally originated the great oppressions, 
which made the oppressed upon such light 
occasions revolt*. 

* PoLYu. i, 179, in this place generally calls the governors arparriyou 
" '0 r»7cTo\«wc (TTpar^ybi, ihus (iisco, Poi.yu. i, 163. 

* Like Hanno. Polyh. i, 166. 
y PoLYi». i, 17-2. 

» Like Bostarus in Sardinia. Polyb. i, 195; and Cartlialo in Afiica, 
Api'Ian, Puii. 68. 

* Por.VB. i, 179. Those governors were roost esleemed who exacted the 
most taxes. Of course we must not understand this in a general sense; 
nor of all periods. 




The foregoing inquiries must already have 
shown how closely the conquests and colonies 
of Carthage were connected with each other; 
the former were generally consequences of the 
latter. The colonies of the Carthaginians 
stretched out far beyond their provinces ; for 
even in places where they had no intention of 
making extensive conquests, as, for example« 
on the distant coasts of their own continent, 
they planted, without hesitation, separate settle- 
ments whenever their trade and navigation re- 
quired it. 

Colonies, understanding thereby secure ports 
and harbours for vessels, and staple towns for 
merchandize, are indispensable to every sea- 
faring and commercial nation, whenever their 
trade extends to remote or uncivilized coun- 
tries, or perhaps to those whose inhabitants 
are nomads. In these places the merchant 
must at least have factories in which to deposit 
his wares in safety, and the inhabitants a 
place to which they may bring the produce of 
their industry, and dispose of it with certainty. 
Without this it is impossible that trade should 
be regularly and uninterruptedly carried on, 
as the time during which the ships are absent 
cannot otherwise be employed in collecting 
their lading ; not to mention many other 



nsAP, 11. 

advantages belonging to such colonies which 
must be obvious to every one. 

Carthage was under both the forementioned 
circumstances, and especially the latter. By far 
the greater part of her commerce was carried 
on with nations to whom she was greatly supe- 
rior in civilization. The native tribes of Africa 
beyond her own dominions were all nomads; 
the inhabitants of Spain, Gaul, and Liguria, 
were but little better. It was not, therefore, a 
mere desire of aggrandizement, which led 
Carthage to plant colonies ; it was neces- 
sary to her well being; it was her soundest 
policy. They were by no means in general 
intended as the groundwork fur future con- 
quest, although in some instances, they cer- 
tainly became so. 

No other state of antiquity carried the colo- 
nial system to so great an extent as Carthage; 
and to no other did their colonies remain to the 
last of so much importance. The state itself 
was so greatly indebted to them, or was rather 
so founded upon them, that they were almost 
necessary to its very existence. Of one kind 
we have already spoken, namely, the inland; 
these were intended for agricultural purposes, 
and to improve and reform the native tribes: 
what follov^'s relates only to their foreign pos- 

The usual, and probably the general intention 
of these foreign settlements was to facilitate and 
secure to the parent state its intercourse with 








the countries in which they were planted. 
Their situation affords a proof of this, as they 
always fixed upon the coasts, or small islands 
near the shore. The cause, however, of their 
foundation, naturally gave rise to certain ge- 
neral principles, which were not only acted 
upon at their first establishment, but also in 
their subsequent treatment. 

With the planting of their colonies the re- 
ligious worship of the Carthaginians was closely 
connected. This arose from the origin of their 
own city. They were indeed themselves a 
colony; and had brought the worship of their 
national god Alckarth, or Heracles as the 
Greeks call him, with them; the god of the 
city and boundaries of Tyre, and consequently 
also of Carthage. In the same manner that he 
had obtained a sanctuary at Carthage, was his 
worship introduced into her foreign settlements; 
and thus he acquired the appellation of the 
colonial god''. The form of worship here ob- 
served, was the tie which bound the colonies 
to the mother state, as was the case with 
Carthage, otherwise completely independent» 
towards Tyre. The greater security of com- 
merce certainly was not less the object. How 
could this in distant lands, probably among 
barbarous nations, be better carried on than 
under the protection of a sacred institution ? 

* DiQDonrfi, lit p. 415, 'HpacX^c ä irMp<l toIq airoiKoic. An ioiporlaal 
pusage. This does not however exclude the e«tabliahrnetit of other saoc- 



CHAP. It. 

Upon the manner in wliich Iier colonies were 
first established and regulated, a considerable 
light is thrown by one of the most valuable docu- 
ments that has descended to us from ancient 
Carthage. I mean the celebrated expeditioo 
of Hanno, who, in the most flourishing period 
of the republic, set sail, with a whole fleet, to 
plant a chain of settlements on the western 
coast of Africa, on the shores of the Atlantic 
ocean, in the present kingdoms of Fez and 
Morocco, and at the same time to make a 
more distant voyage of discovery along the 
coasts'. He placed, after his return, as a me- 
morial of this enterprise, an inscription in the 
temple of Cronos, one of the principal temples 
of Carthage ; this was probably translated by 
a Greek traveller into his native language, and 
has fortunately descended to us. 

From this account it is plain that the Car- 
thaginians on distant coasts, where they wished 
to establish settlements, erected not merely 
a single town, but at once a chain of stations. 
The preparations, therefore, must necessarily 
have been on an extensive scale. The fleet of 
Hanno, consisting of sixty ships, did not con- 
tain less than 30,000 colonists, including men. 



^ S«e the tr&nftUlion orihce ia tbe Appenilu, where alM arc sUleil ihf 
proofä of the foMowiog conjecture. If ihis Hanno wa* the 4on of ttaroitcar 
wbu k\\ iu Sicily, 480 (see the Appendix iipofi ilie genealogy of the rulißg 
housei iti Carihftgt)^ then bis expeiliiion, as well as his broifavr Himilco*» 
to the western coast of Iberia for the same object, may peiliups be placed 
aUout the year 450; which btcumes the luori* prubable as ab^mt iht» time 
the Carthaginians were not engaged in any foreiga \var4 that we knt^w of. 


women, and children. These he distributed 
into six towns, containing on an average five 
thousand inhabitants each. New Carthage, 
founded at a later period on the Spanish coast, 
was from the first a large city"*. In both 
cases, however, peculiar circumstances con- 
tributed to the rather extraordinary magnitude 
of these establishments. New Carthage was 
intended to be the chief city of the republic in 
Spain; and it was requisite that the towns 
founded on the African coast should have the 
means of defending themselves against the 
nomad tribes, whom, however, at last they 
were unable to resist. Otherwise it would 
scarcely have agreed with the plan of the 
Carthaginians to found such large settlements 
at first. Their object did not require them ; 
and if they had not been deterred from found- 
ing such by the expense, the difficulty of 
maintaining them would have been too great. 

The colonists which Hanno carried out, con- 
sisted, as we are expressly informed, of Liby- 
Phoenicians, and were not chosen from among 
the citizens of Carthage, but taken from the 
country inhabitants. Whether this was done 
that they might carry on agriculture in their 
new abode, is a point which history leaves 
doubtful; and it would be rash to judge from 
its being done on this occasion, that such was 
the general practice. It is highly probable 

•« Poi-YB. i, p. 249. 




that in other cases the emigrants were taken 
from Carthage or the allied cities. 

The same motive which led to the foundation 
of these colonies, naturally made it the anxious 
care of the |)arent state to keep them in strict 
dependence. And in this respect Carthage 
showed herself superior to all the commercial 
powers of antiquity who planted colonies. 
Neither the original Phoenicians, nor the Greek 
states, were able to maintain their authority 
for so great a length of time. Their colonies 
either were or soon became independent ; 
raised themselves often above the mother state; 
and not Ltnfrequently wrested from her that 
trade which they ought properly to have pro- 
tected. From such mortifications Carthage 
found means to secure herself: and princi- 
pally by the great advantages she derived ^ 
from her geographical situation, and her great ^ 
power both by land and sea. She was 
placed in the midst of her foreign settlements, 
and was tlierefore always nigh at hand in case 
of need, Iler great military and naval force 
enabled her to maintain a preponderance which 
rendered it easy for her to keep a careful 
watch over her colonies, to hold them in sub- 
jection, and to repress every revolt in its in- 
fancy. None of them, the Sicilian not excepted^ 
among which Panormus was the most con- 
siderable', ever attained any great degree of 
power; much less were they able to cope with 

* PouvB, i, 97. 


Carthage, with whom^ indeed, not one of them 
ever dared to enter the lists. 

To what distance their colonies in general 
extended, cannot now be determined with 
certainty* 0%^er the more remote, on the shores 
of the ocean^ an obscurity seems to hover 
which we in vain endeavour to break through. 
Time, circumstances, and experience, seem, 
however, even here to have given rise to certain 
maxims which were never swerved from but in 
cases of necessity. Their navigation stretched 
much farther, both along the western coasts of 
Europe and Africa, than traces of their settle- 
ments are now to be found. And here, again, so 
far as we can judge, they seem willingly to 
have confined themselves weithin the rule, which 
forbade them to extend their colonies farther 
than they felt they had sufficient power to 
maintain the dominion of the sea, and thereby 
to ensure themselves the undisturbed posses- 
sion of their settlements, and the trade belong- 
ing to them. This accoimts for the phenome- 
non, that in all their contentions with the 
Greeks and Etrurians, they scarcely ever lost 
one of their colonies. 

The shores of the western Mediterranean 
was the principal seat of their settlements; 
though they were very unequally distributed. 
The coast of Africa, from the western limits of 
their proper territory to the Pillars of Hercides, 
was covered with them, and tliere they would 
scarcely have endured a rival. No nation even 

96 CARTHAGINIANS. chap. ii. 

dared to make the attempt. The places there 
situated are mentioned, as has already been 
remarked, under the name of the Metagonitish 
cities, but seem for the most part to have been 
rather forts (<^/)oiJ/)«a) than towns. 

Their connections and settlements on the 
southern coast of Spain have been already 

The shores of Gaul were barred against 
them. They here came in contact with 
their hereditary enemies the Phoenicians, who 
had built Massilia. The inhabitants of that 
city ruled over a great part of the coast, and 
were as little inclined to suffer a rival foreign 
settlement to be made near them, as the Car- 
thaginians were in Africa. Repeated forcible 
attempts were fruitless ; the Massilians could 
defend themselves by land and sea*"; and the 
Carthaginians were compelled to abandon their 
design of founding a settlement there. They 
must, however, have formed connections at a 
very early period in the interior of the country, 
as they drew from thence a large portion of 
their mercenary troops *. In the time of the 
Roman wars, their allies in Celtica are ex- 
pressly mentioned in the treaty between Han- 
nibal and Philip. 

On the shores of Liguria they were better 
received. Hired troops of this nation were 

f See JvsTiN, xliii, 6; and compare Cami'omanf.s Antiguedad, etc. "• 
p. 23, 24. 

S J'OLYB. i, p. 39. 

C»AF. II, 



nerally found in their armies; they were, 
besides, united by a common hatred against 
the Massilians* We do not, however, find that 
they had any colonies there. The neigh- 
bourhood of the Massilians, who had covered 
a part of the Liguriao coast with their settle- 
ments, might have been sufficient to keep them 
at a distance. 

But upon no country, perhaps, were the 
eyes of Carthage so constantly fixed as upon 
Italy Proper, Its situation, its fertility, the 
opulence of its inhabitants, all attracted her 
attention. Yet we find there no trace of any 
Carthaginian settlements. The coasts of the 
whole country were occupied by seafaring and 
trading nations,^ Etrurians, Romans or Latins, 
and Greeks, all too well acquainted with their 
own interest to permit it. The Carthaginians 
seem, however, to have neglected no oppor- 

nity by which they could hope to effect 

eir purpose; whence we may account for 
the many treaties and alliances by which their 
rivals endeavoured to prevent their approach • 
Those with Rome have in part been preserved 
by Polybius, and have already been several 
times mentioned, A single glance at them 
will be sufficient to show with what anxious 
care the Romans provided that their ad- 
versaries should build no fort in Latium, nor 
retain any town which they might previously 
have occupied. A number of similar treaties 





with the Etrurians are quoted by Aristotle \ 
It is unnecessary to mention the Greeks of f 
Lower Italy. When, indeed, could Cartha- 
ginians and Greeks ever come to an agreement? 

But, on the contrary, a clear and extensive ^ 
field was open to them on the ocean-shores of f 
Africa and Europe. Here there were no com- 
petitors to be feared ; here there was no one 
even to limit their possessions: every esta- 
blishment in these regions might in its turn 
become a point from which a still more distant 
commerce might be carried on, of which they 
could not themselves foresee the extent. An 
immeasurable ocean and a new world here 
offered themselves, to their enlarging views and 
enterprising spirit. ■ 

The advantages which these held out, w^ere " 
not lost upon the Carthaginians, w ho, at a very 
early period, seized upon, and followed them 
up, without suffering themselves to be dazzled 
by their magnitude. However alluring the 
prospects, they seem never to have permitted 
their colonial system to extend to a larger 
circumference than their naval power would U 
enable them to keep in subjection. But we 
are so insufficiently informed upon this matter, 
that we cannot safely pronounce any judg- 
ment upon their undertakings. 



'• Anjsurr. Pö^/t, iü, 9. *' The Carlhagini.ins'and ElniriatiV sayi lie. 
Iiave a greal «uny trtaiie« on their niulual righu and alliincc«.*' 





We know, however, with certainty, that 
their colonies were scattered along the western 
coasts of Africa and Spain, and were founded 
at the same period in both quarters of the 
globe. About the same time that Hanno was 
sent to the coast of Africa, Ilimilco, another 
commander, was sent to explore the western 
coast of Europe ; and his narrative, as w^ell 
as that of Hanno, was extant in ancient times'. 
It has not, indeed, like that of Hanno, been 
preserved to us, but very important extracts 
from it are found in the fragment of a poem 
come down to us, valuable for the information 
it gives us of the coasts in the time of the 
PhcBnicians and Carthaginians. I mean the 
Ora Alaritima of Festus Avienus, in which 
Himiico is repeatedly quoted as authority^ 
together with the Greek geographers, who 
were very nearly, or quite contemporary with 
him. This poem confirms all that we have 
said in the section on the Phoenicians as well 
concerning their settlements, as on the extent 
and signification of the name of Tartessus. It 
also becomes clear that the Carthaginians were 
their successors in this part of the world, and 
that to a great extent. Both Avienus and 
Scylax, who likewise made use of Himiico, 
agree with each other respecting the fact, that 
many Carthaginian settlements were founded 

^ Pe«Ti AvitN« Ora MnTiiima (different from his Deictiptio Orbii), 
177 412. eic. See ihc iranslatioo of the passages in the AppeDilix, vt, 

II 2 



CHAP. 11. 

beyond the Pillars of Hercules*. Even froi 
the analogy of the voyage of Hanno who 
formed a series of settlements on the western ■ 
coast of Africa, we cannot conclude otherwise 
than that the commission of Himilco was of™ 
equal or similar extent. I 

When Scylax says, in the beginning of his 
Periplus, that from the Pillars of Hercules on 
the European coast, there lay many settlements 
of the Carthaginians, it certainly is to be un- ^ 
derstood that they lay without the Pillars, as| 
the context informs us that morasses and 
shallows next follow, which agreed with the 
common notion ofthat people, who believed the 
ocean to be unnavigable, but not the Medi- 
terranean. And besides, as Gades and the 
neighbouring Phcenician colonies lay without 
the Pillars, we may safely conclude that those 
parts were not unknown or unoccupied by the 
Carthaginians. Where their settlements were 
planted, and how far they stretched, we do not 
exactly know ; but we may with certainty 
affirm that they reached as far as the river Anas 
(Guadiana), and to the Sacred Promontory 
(Cape St. Vincent)"", That the Carthaginians 

' ScYLAX. p. 2. 'Ar^ f<Sv 'Mpa«Xf/wv vrrjXdv t&v Iv 'Etff^tiiry ifi9r6fHa 

A viENPB correctly tmnslolei drrb bj ultra, v» 375 : 

Ultra hascolumnaa propter Europic latus 
Vicos elurbes incola; Carlhagioit 
TcDuere quODdam. 

"* Fi>T. Avitivrs, V. 206, 2t254 Accordlog to him the province of Tu* 

CHAP. If. 




formed establishments on the north coast of 
Spain, and in the British islands, is indeed 
proved by no express evidence ; but that they 
visited these shores, especially the Scilly islands, 
for commercial purposes, will be placed beyond 
a doubt in the chapter on their navigation and 
maritime commerce. 

The towns built by Hanno on the western 
coast of Africa, wherever we may separately 
lace thcra. certainly did not extend beyond 
e boundaries of Fez and Morocco : the first 
of them, Thymiaterium, was only two days' 
sail from the end of the strait, or promontory 
of Spartel*'; Scylax mentions it by name". 
Next to that follows the promontory Soloe, 
Cape Blanc near Agimur» where was erected 
a sanctuary to Neptune (probably a votive 
ffering for their prosperous voyage), which 
cylax describes as a large altar, decorated 
with bas-reliefs, representing human figures, 
lions, and dolphins. A day and a halfs farther 
sail to the south, probably in the vicinity of 
SaflFy, along the seacoast, five towns were 
built : their names were Caricum Teichos, 
Gytta, Acra, Melile, and Arambe, The last 
settlement to the south was founded on the 
small island Gerne, which must be sought for 

teiiiti entended as far ss the Anats^ The whole of ibis coa&t is full of 
PboeoiciaB- Carthaginian remains and names of places. From llie Ana» lo 
tbe Sacred Proninntorjr dwelt itie Cynetett \vHo are mentioned by Herou. 
iv« 49, IS the roost westerly people of Europe. 

• The farther illustration of what follows may be seen in the Appeadix, 
tm tbe Peripltis of lianno, 
ScvLAX. p. 52,53. 




either near Mogador, or more probably in 
the bay of Santa Cruz. The name which 
it bore (but which the Greeks transferred to 
almost every distant southern island, in the 
same manner as they did Thule to every 
distant northern) was given it by Hanno him- 
self. It was only five stadia (about two thirds 
of a mile) in circumference, and lay in a bay 
close to the shore ; where it aflbrded the Car- 
thaginians a convenient emporium, both on ac- 
count of its security from the attacks of the 
natives, and as it permitted the approach of 
the Carthaginian vessels, which were unable 
to reach the coast itself on account of its 
shallows p. 

These colonies of Hanno seem, indeed, to 
have been the first planted in tliese regions. 
No traces are found in his narrative of any 
settlements having previously existed there; 
but the w^hole length of the coast is described 
as a new discovery, which he extended beyond 
the Senegal, as he pushed his discoveries 
much farther than he founded settlements. 
The ultimate fate of the latter is wrapt in 
obscurity ; in the time of the Roman wars they 
had ceased to exist, and had probably fallen a 
prey to the nomad tribes. 

But if, as we shall presently see, the naviga- 
tion and intercourse with these regions were» 
at least for a considerable time, kept up, it will 

r SckLAx, 



not b^ surprising that some of the western 
islands should become known to the Car- 
thaginians. Such express evidence is pre- 
served of this, that we cannot doubt of the fact 
in general, although some obscurity still rests 
as to particulars. The Phoenicians had, in- 
deed, as Diodorus informs us^, discovered an 
island in the ocean, many days' sail to the west 
of Libya, the romantic description of which 
almost forces upon our remembrance some 
of the Fortunate islands of the South sea, which 
have lately been made known to us. All that 
Diodorus tells us of its being situated at a con- 
siderable distance in the ocean, of its nature, 
of its plentiful streams and rivers, of its pro- 
ductions, and especially of its great variety of 
trees, agrees with no other island so well as Ma- 
deira ^ The general information spread abroad 
respecting it, made the Etrurians, then a for- 
midable maritime power, desirous of possessing 
it. But the Carthaginians, treading in this 

4 Diodorus, i, p. 345. 

' Qaite the contrary is the case with regard to the Canary islands, to 
which we might at first apply it ; and it agrees with them least of all in the 
number of streams, even navigable rivers, of which Diodorus speaks. 
These islands lack water; while in Madeira we reckon seven rivers, besides 
numerous brooks. Whether the Carthaginians were likewise acquainted 
with the Canary islands may be questioned. A passage in F. Avienvs's 
De$eripiion of the CoasU, not only seems to point towards them, but I 
think I can trace therein a certain allusion to Teneriffe and its volcano. 
Beyond the Pillars, says he, v. 164. etc. lies an island, 

on ocean's bosom spread. 
Where varying herbs in wild profusion grow. 
Sacred to Saturn is the land esteemed ; 

104 CARTHAGINIANS. obaf.ii. 

respect, as well as others, in the footsteps of 
their forefathers, would not allow it. They 
guarded the island with their own peculiar 
jealousy. When, indeed, the settlements from 
Carthage began to be numerous, they not only 
prohibited the entrance of the Etrurians, but 
according to another account', exterminated 
even the ancient inhabitants. They set a higher 
value upon this island because, according to 
Diodorus, they regarded it as a place of refuge 
in case of need : that at the first appearance of 
decay in the mighty Carthage, this island might 
shelter its inhabitants, and a new Carthage 
rise here in the midst of the ocean. Unfor- 
tunate people ! They forboded the fall of their 
empire, whose frail support they felt shake 
beneath them ; but their protecting genius drove 
from their imagination the lugubrious idea that 
they should be buried under its ruins ^ 

And nature's power is ibere terrific seen ; 

For when by chance the mariner draws nigh 

The coast, the ambient waters rage around. 

The island shakes and starts among the waves 

And deeply trembles — while the ocean lie« 

Calm in the distance, silent and unmoved. 
Can an island in which a volcano rages be better pictured in words! Its 
being dedicated to Saturn shows plainly that it was occupied by the Car- 
thaginians. We shall become acquainted with him, as we advance, as one 
of their principal deities. 

■ Ahistot. de Mirah. cap. 85, ed, Bechn, Compare the passage with the 
corrections of Heyne. 
» PoLvn. ii, p. 698, 'Evavriov Sainovo^ Kapxii^/wv. 



The government of Carthage. 

Aristotle, who possessed so accurate a know- 
ledge of the different constitutions of his age, 
mentions it as a merit in the Carthaginian 
government, that it had at that time under- 
gone no very great change, either from the 
civil broils of its citizens, or the usurpation of 
rants*. He justly considers this as a proof 
f its judicious organization \ and an inquiry 
into it would, on that score alone» deserve at- 
tention, even if the state with which it is con- 
nected did not, on so many other accounts, 
justly claim it. To give, indeed, what the 
historical inquirer would naturally wish for, 
n historical development of the Carthaginian 
government throughout all the periods of the 
republic, our want of information renders im- 
possible. But few accounts have descended 
to us, and even these few we dare not make 
use of without mistrust. The foreign historians 

K* AniaTOT 

PvtH, li» II. See the Iraoslstion of (lie chapter in th« 



CRAP. til. 

of this republic rarely extend their research 
into its internal affairs; and when they do, the 
form of the Roman government floats con- 
tinually before their eyes; they compare silent- 
ly, and often imagine that they find a similarity 
because they look for it. The names of the 
Roman magistrates are given to the Cartha- 
ginian, and, together with the name, its attri- 
butes ; although the nature of things tells us 
that the corresponding situation of the magis- 
trates among a commercial and a warlike 
people must be very different. The inquiry is 
thus rendered exceedingly difficult, and if we 
would at all succeed in our object, we must 
not number the authorities but weigh them. 
The first place among the historians is due, 
without contradiction, to Polybius, He was 
best acquainted with the constitution, is accu- 
rate, and the most uniform in his expressions. 
His authority, where we can quote it, is in 
my opinion decisive, whether confirmed by the 
agreement of others or not. Diodorus and 
Appian are certainly inferior to him, yet not 
so much so as Livy and Justin. We make use 
of them only where Polybius fails us. For- 
tunately, however, historians in this part of our 
labour are not the only source of information. 
In addition to them we have Aristotle, who ia 
his treatise on politics has devoted a whole 
chapter to the constitution of Carthage "*» To 

*» AmsTOT, Pi>/j/. ii, N. How much bctier slitl should we Uave beta 
inranoe«! if lii» bsl ircntise on governpicuts had been preserved. Tint of 





him we are indebted for the raost valuable, and 
at the same time the most faithful particulars ; 
and the following remarks are for the most 
part founded upon his statements. 

The Carthaginian state had, in common with 
Rome, Athens, Sparta, and the other most 
celebrated republics of antiquity, the general 
character of having a single city for its head. 
And although all parts of the empire did not 
stand in an equal relation towards the capital, 
they were, nevertheless, in some degree sub- 
ordinate to it ; and the citizens of Carthage 
formed the ruling body. However great, 
therefore, the dominions of this city might 
become, the government still remained muni- 
cipal, and must as such be considered. But 
since the compass of our inquiry confines us to 
the burghers of this city, it becomes of so much 

e greater importance that we should form a 
clear conception not only of what is properly 
called their constitution, but also respecting 
their civil relations in general, the classes of 
the citizens, their sources of profit, etc. These 

Carthage was explaiDed ihereln. In his Folilica this was not hU objitct^ 
but only to »how how far the CarthaginiaD coatlitution corresponded with 
th« aclvaoce, which roao, accordiag to his «jsteni, may make towards a 
gCM>d government. A complete and detailed explaoatiou of k can not 
therefore be here expected* The treatise of TiiEODonts fliLrocwiTA be- 
Jongiog to the fourtee«ilh century, irt^t JLapxu'^itrog icat rijc f«^* aC^f i)y 
wohuiag was not published till after the ihird editioD of this work^ in his 
W$ctUanta phitoihypliicii tt hittorica^ Gra-er, Lifft. 1821 ; and reprinted aud 
ttxplaliied by PitoFtiftoa KtL-tJE, at the end of his AtntoiaUi de PfjtHia 
Carthttf;inienwirn- It is, however, not so much an inveftUgaiicin as a charac< 
[leriitic of the Carthaginian yovernmciil, mostly from known sources, yet not 
llogcther without oew m4ti«f. 



CRAP. tu. 

taken together will enable us to estimate with 
tolerable accuracy the civilization of this people. 
Carthage was from the beginning a trading 
city, and it was undoubtedly by trade that she 
raised herself to opulence and power. It is, 
nevertheless, a mistaken notion to suppose the 
Carthaginians a mere nation of merchants ; the 
foregoing observations have in some measure 
already shown in what esteem they held the 
cultivation of the soil as well as commerce. 
Nature did not lavish upon them her treasures 
in vain. The establishment of so many inland 
colonies, appropriated solely to agriculture, is 
at once a decided proof of the fact. They left 
not, however, this branch of industry to be 
carried on in the colonies alone, but followed it 
themselves. All accounts agree in praising the 
high state of cultivation found in the neighbour- 
hood of Carthage. *' The territory through 
which Agathocles led his army after their land- 
ing," says Diodorus^ "was covered with 
gardens and large plantations, everywhere 
intersected by canals, by which they were 
plentifully watered. A continual succession 
of landed estates was there seen, adorned with 
elegant buildings, which betrayed the opulence 
of their owners. These dwellings were fur- 
nished with everything requisite for the en- 
joyment of man ; the proprietors having ac- 
cumulated immense stores during the long 

c DlODOBt^a, it. p. 411 

CHAP. It I. 



peace. The lands were planted with vines, 
with pahns, and many other fruit trees. On 
one side were meadows filled with flocks and 
herds, and on the lower grounds ranged troops 
of brood mares. In short the whole prospect 
displayed the opulence of the inhabitants : the 
highest rank of Carthag^inians had possessions 
here, and vied with one another in pomp and 
luxury/' Fifty years later, when they were 
invaded by the Romans under Regulus, Po- 
lybius draws a similar picture of this dis- 
trict"*, A number of elegant villas were upon 
that occasion destroyed, an immense booty 
obtained in cattle, and above 20,000 slaves 
carried off. And in general, says this writer in 
another place*, the Carthaginians drew their 
private income from their own landed property; 
the public revenue from the provinces. It 
is, moreover, a well-known fact, that tlie science 
of agriculture in its widest range, and in all its 
parts, was so well handled by them in their 
writings, that the Romans did not think them 
unworthy to be translated into their own lan- 
guage ^ 

*» Poly ft. i. p. 76. «^ Ibid. p. 177. 

' Plin. xviü. D. When the Romains, says be, toolc CarLbage, they gftve 
ibe libraries found there (con^equeutly there were kome) to the native 
prioce« ; namciy ta their allies in Nufoidia. And this throws a U^ht upoo 
the manoer in which the works uf the Carthaginian hiistoiiaiis had eorae 
into the poasession of kiag Hiempial (see above, p. 21. >. The works of 
MaifO done« one of the king« or »ufTetes of Carthage, upon agriculture, in 
twenty-eight books, \vi& traosfated into Latin by D. Silauus. The frag- 
ments of it preserved to us by Plitiy are sufficient to show us thai il treated 
in fall detail upon all kinds of husbandry, agricuUuie, planting, breeding of 



CHAP. IIfl*1 

Mankind seem, indeed, generally to have paid 
more respect to agriculture than to commerce. 
Ill scarcely any part of the ancient world did 
the merchant hold the highest rank, and pro- 
bably not in Carthage. It is plain from what 
has been already said, that families of the first 
rank were in possession of large estates, from 
whose produce they drew their income ; while, 
on the contrary, there is not a single trace in 
the whole history of the republic of their being 
concerned in trade. Aristotle certainly informs 
us, that their magistrates were not prevented 
from engaging in trade*; but the expression is 
so vague that it may as well be understood of 
the produce of their lands and their mines, 
which in part belonged to private individuals. 
In whatever way, however, we may explain 
this passage, it is evident from the whole tenor 
of their history, that commerce was not the 
usual occupation of the higher ranks of Cartha- 
ginians. It seems more probable that it was 
their common custom, as one of the following 
chapters, on their military system, will show, 
to devote themselves to a martial life ; par- 
ticularly as the military state is expressly dis- 


tinguished from that of the merchant''. 

catlle, etc. See a translatioo of iheni in ihe Appendix, ll cauot 
the» be doubted, ^ven if tbe above menlion of libraries fail to prov« it» 
ibftt tbena existed a Carthaginian titciature; Ihal iL was supported by tb^ 
great of Carthage j and ibat it was certainly nol merely a poetical one, bwl 
rather a prosaic. A work io extctisivo «» that of Mago could neilher be die 
fint nor (he only one. 

t Am*TOT. V, 12, 'Elutriv avroic XPW^^^^^***' 

^ DioPQKC», ii, p. 450. 



The government of Carthage was the work 
of time and circumstances. An express legis- 
lation by which the rights and relations of the 
constitutional authorities were defined is no- 
where mentioned. And if we consider this 
rightly, it will immediately appear that nothing 
was more firmly established or accurately de- 
termined in the Carthaginian constitution than 
in the Roman; consequently the govern- 
ment could not come to maturity at once. 
Probably, therefore, the constitution was per- 
fected by degrees, chiefly by internal broils, of 
which some slight traces are found in the early 
history of the state ; custom and usage was 
the sanction which made it legal. A monarchical 
government is usually given to Carthage at its 
foundation ; this afterwards became changed, 
we know not how or when, into a republic. 
That this really happened is stated, though 
only incidentally, by Aristotle*. This opinion, 
however, only rests upon an uncertain tradition 
respecting a queen Dido, who is generally 
supposed to have been a princess of unlimited 
authority*". But, without doubt, Carthage 
adopted, after the custom of all the colonies of 
ancient times, the constitution of her parent 
state ; and, notwithstanding she might thereby 
give herself what were called kings, yet, as will 

»A«nTOT. Po/»f.v,12. 

^ That there was also another fable besides that of Dido, according to 
*hich Zonif and Carchedon were the founders, we learn from Appian, 
»iii, 1. 



CHAP. (tl. 

be seen under the head of Phoenicia, this go- 
vernment was by no means despotic. 

However this may have been, all accounts 
agree that an aristocracy arose, which soon 
obtained that strength and solidity which form 
the striking feature of that kind of government, 
distinguished however by many institutions pe- 
culiar to itself. 

During the flourishing period of the republic, 
and even as late as the Roman wars, it re- 
mained unshaken; two attempts to overthrow 
it passing over with little or no effect'. The 
foreign policy of Carthage was the counterpart 
of her domestic government. While the latter 
remained firmly established, the former re- 
mained equally secure. The constant prose- 
cution of the same plans for many centuries, a 
willing limitation of her conquests, and a mode- 
ration even in the midst of fortune, are all 
characteristic features of a temperate aristo- 
cracy, and are incompatible with a democratic 
government. The prevailing projects remained 
as it were hereditary in the ruling families; 
and as these became changed by the wars 
with Rome, a reaction upon the internal rela- 
tions of the state followed, as an almost un- 
avoidable consequence, for they were too closely 
connected not to be mutually influenced by 
each other. The all-dissolving hand of time, 
and the corruption of the national character 


^ AnisToT. and Pol\b. ii, cc. The firet atltropl was made by a wnilor 
named Uanuo^ and another by Uomilcar ; bolh of which failed. Jüfixi?«,I.C» 

fAP. HI. 



by avarice and immoderate wealth, helped 
also to effect this change ; but it is probable 
that the careful and bustling activity of aristo- 
cratic policy would have found means to prop 
up the tottering fabric of the state» if the in- 
ternal shocks had not been assisted by violence 
from without. 

But what was the form of this aristocracy? 
Did it give Carthage an hereditary nobility? 
And if so what were its rights and privileges? 
These are questions of very high importance, 
but which cannot be answered without great 

If we take hereditary nobility in the stricter 
sense of the word— that is, if we understand 
>y it a number of families who, by their birth 
lone, had an exclusive right to the administra- 
tion of government, such as was possessed by 
the patricians in the early days of Rome, aixl 
■by the 7wbili in Venice — there remains no proof 
^Blhat such an hereditary nobility with hereditary 
^bights existed in Carthage. But there are many 
^piegrees between so powerful an aristocracy as 
this and complete political equality ; and al- 
though there may be no evidence of an heredi- 
tary nobility in Carthage similar to the one here 
described, yet it may, on the other side, be very 
easily proved, that a perfect political equality 
was still farther distant. From the want of a fixed 
constitution, with its fundamental laws reduced 
to writing, everything had here been effected 
bv circumstances and relations to which time 




and place had ^ven birth. In a rich com 
mercial city wealth had naturally the greatest 
influence. As in Carthage the magisterij 
office conferred honour without revenue "", an< 
as it nevertheless must have brought with 
a great expense ; it follows of course that 
it could only be administered by the opulent.^ 
Rich families, therefore, although they might 
have no hereditary claim, procured one by 
their wealth, which was not less valid while it 
lasted. Riches, however, were not always alone 
sufficient. " The magistrates of Carthage, '^Ä 
says Aristotle, "were chosen on account of their™ 
property, their worth, and their popularity"." 
The latter was essential, as the elections in^ 
Carthage depended, in a great measure, on the 
people. Authority flowed from personal su- 
periority of every description. Birth mighty 
assist in obtaining it, but could not give itB 
alone. Even noble families, if they sunk into 
poverty lost it. But of all qualifications, none 
would be so powerful in a conquering state 
as military renown ; and even from the scanty 
remains of Carthaginian history which are 
left, we may gather sufficient evidence to prove 
that it was chiefly at the beginning of what 

'" AmiioT. l. c* 

*" AniSTOT. Polit, V, 7; vi, p. 280. "Oirow ovv 17 iroXirita ßkirrft tit 
re trXoiTov xai a|>rr»jv, ra* Jij^oi^, oXov ir KapxnS6vu utvnf dpnTTOKpanxii 
ioTi. And ii, 2, Ov ptdvojf Apurriifdnv, aXXd cai TrXovrivSnv Movrm 
Siiv alfuXy roi't «(ixo^rac* Tlie dpurripcrjv of AristoUe does not ngQify 
birth, but per&oual merit, of whatever sort it might be, wliich procured fv 
it« pi»fsciuiurg«Df:ral esteem. 



may be called the Period of Conquest, that 
great and noble families raised themselves to such 
a pitch, as to excite the jealousy of the state. 

It was not, therefore, so much a real heredi- 
tary nobility that composed the aristocracy of 
Carthage, as a number of optimale families'^. 
The number of these families cannot now be 
ascertained with anything like certainty; it 
could not always have been the same ; but it is 
evident that sometimes a sing^le family main- 
tained for a long period so high a degree of 
authority that the generals and principal magis- 
trates were taken chiefly from it. The house 
of Mago, the first conquerors in Sicily and 
Sardinia, affords a striking example of this. 
From the genealogy of this house, so far as it 
can now be collected from the fragments which 
remain of ancient writers p, it is clear that for 
at least four generations (a full century, if not 
more), it gave generals to Carthage; and even 
the repeated misfortunes of some of its mem- 
bers did not take from it this privilege. 

But however great the power and influence 
of such families might have been^ it remains 
nevertheless certain that the government never 
became a pure aristocracy, but always con- 
tained a mixture of democracy, though that 
democracy was very limited. Both Po- 

* It bean the appellation atlvioXioit Polyb. i, tl8; of JTri^Morctrcu, 
DtonoRir*. ii. 3^9; ^^ Nobiiti, Liviü«, jtxi), 5X^, and iueh like. 
P See ihc Appendix- 

I 2 



CHAP. tit. 

lybius** and Aristotle' agree in placing thi 
government of Carthage among the mix( 
forms, although its domineering character ws 
aristocratic. A closer inquiry into the righl 
of the people, the nature and power of th< 
senate, concerning the magistrates and theii 
business, as well as the formation of the court 
of justice, will give us a deeper insight into the 
internal organization of the state, and perhaps 
as deep a one as the scarcity of materials will 
allow. f 

Aristotle and Polybius both mention the 
Spartan government as that which bore the 
greatest resemblance to the Carthaginian 
most of its principal parts ; the latter all 
compares it with that of Rome as it exisi 
in his time, when as yet no demagogue had' 
broken the power of the senate', Although 
we must beware of following these compari- 
sons too far in particulars, as the great differ- 
ence in the manners and habits of the two na- 
tions will sufficiently teach us, they nevertheless 
serve, taken together, as the groundwork of 
many important inquiries; and by employing: 
them we become immediately convinced that 


^ PoLYB» ii, p. 562. The governmeiit of Cnrthag« »eexiiB alto to hi^ti 
been originally weU coDtrived with regard to those genera.! fornix that btit 
been mentioned. For there were kiogt in this goverujnent, tog«ther wilb 
senate, which was vested with amtocraiical authority . The people Mit^ 
wise enjoyed the exercise of «rtain power« that were appropriated to ihenli 
In a word, the entire frame of the republic very much resembfed those of 
RoEueand Sparta. 

•■ Arist^t, ii, 1 1. 

' AnisTDT. el Pnr.ra. I. c. 





the power of the people in Carthage was more 
moderate than could otherwise have been sup- 

The rights which they possessed were ex- 
ercised, as we learn from many examples, 
in their public assemblies ; of the internal or- 
ganization of which we however know nothing, 
as we are altogether ignorant of the way in 
which the people or citizens were divided and 
classed. Even respecting the extent of their 
rights we can only give probabilities. We only 
know for certain, that whatever was brought 
before the people was first deliberated upon 
in the senate ; how otherwise could the aris- 
tocracy have maintained their authority. What, 
however, was brought before the people we 
cannot precisely determine. The principal 
question is, what part had the people in the 
election of magistrates ? Many of these, kings 
and generals in particular, we know were 
elected; and so far as we can judge from single 
examples, the nomination was first made in the 
senate, and afterwards brought to the people 
for their confirmation*. Although the election, 
therefore, was not entirely in the hands of 
the people, they nevertheless acted a prin- 

*■ Humibft] «raji lhu»n&med general, Polyu. tii, 419. Anolher «xamplft 
of the nomination of lue people, which doe» ool however exclude the pre- 
Tioui ooe by tlie senatei is fouod m Polyb. t, 2(J6> So, on the contrary, 
we fittd the nominatioD of ihe senate did not exclude the cod firm at 1,0 d by the 
people, DioDOBt'K, ii, 399, The uiual expression of Polybius, [% the Car- 
ihaginiam eUci, which aeemi lobe uted int€»lioi>ally as including both the 
w.n«te and people. 




cipal part in tliem. This important right kept 
the leading families in a continual dependence 
on the people, whose favours they could not do 
without. But in a state so rich as Carthage^ 
these elections would easily produce bribery;™ 
which, even in the time of Aristotle was become 
so common, that he expressly says, the high- 
est offices in Carthage were bought and sold. 

Besides this, another right which was en- 
joyed by the people, as we can affirm with cer- 
tainty on the testimony of Aristotle", was that 
of deciding in all cases upon which the 
senate and kings could not agree : and when 
these were brought before them, they not only 
possessed the power of adopting or rejecting 
them, but also of deliberating upon them ; as 
every one was at liberty to attack or defend 
them \ Lastly, we find many examples of 
state affairs of high importance, such as de- 
clarations of war and treaties of peace, being 
brought before the people for their sanction, 
after having been discussed by the senate ^ 
although this does not seem to have been abso- 
lutely necessary*. 

• Ahihtot, Poiii. iij II. 

» Ari»tot.1.c, 

J FoLva. Ill, 490,493, ami llie pnncipml passage in the ip«ec)i of I 
508, wbich kuve& no room far doubl. Also Diodorus, i, p. 679. 

*- ExaiTipltfs of liie cootrary are fouod in Polvb. i, p. 466. DjocoRrs^^l 
li, p. 4ri, They are however rttllicf specious ib*Q real, k& from the mere ( 
i^ileDce uf the people it cannot be concluded that they were not coosulied. 
iVlighl it not also,^ during ihe period in which the power of the leoatc be* 
CATue a-bsolute» as nas the case in Home, have become Uttle more than 
iii«ie foim. 

<;hap. Ill* 





The highest political body of the republic, 
and upon which devolved the management of 
all affairs of state, was the senate ; and there 
seems no doubt but that during the flourishing 
period of the republic, previous to the com- 
encement of tlie wars with Rome, that as- 
sembly held in its own hands the whole power 
of the government. Respecting its internal 
organization the writers of antiquity are silent, 
and, as they had occasion so frequently to 
mention it, we may judge from their silence how 
little attention they paid to the study of the 
Carthaginian government. Indeed, whether 
the senate was merely a chosen body of the 
itizens, from time to time renewed ; or a per- 
manent assembly ; whether it was in the power 
of all the citizens to become a member of it, 
and how many enjoyed this privilege ; and 
finally, by whom the senators were elected; 
are all questions of high importance, but which, 

y^r want of more information, can only very 

^HDsatisfactorily be answered. 

^P That the senate of the republic was not 
periodically renewed from among the citizens, 
but a permanent assembly, admits of no doubt ; 
otherwise it could not have acquired the so- 
lidity which secured it the government of the 
republic; and Polybius would have been as 

' little able to compare it with the Roman 
senate as Aristotle with the Spartan. Bat 
whether it filled up its own body, or whether, 
as in Rome, the having filled certain offices. 





Opened the entrance to it, or whether new 
members were elected from the people, there f 
unfortunately remain only very imperfect ac- 
counts. We are no better informed respecting 
the number of its members. Perhaps it was 
not legally fixed. There are, however, data 
from which we may conclude that they amount- ■ 
ed to a considerable number, and probably, as 
in Rome, to several hundreds. We find nu- 
merous deputations of its members sent forth*; 
many others were absent with armies as com- 
missioners ; besides which, a considerable 
number was requisite for the preservation of 
its dignity aixd authority. 

The name usually given to the senate by the 
Greek writers, and which they also applied to 
the Roman, was gerujiia. This term is fre- 
quently used as synonymous with that given 
to the council of state ((tjo^kXijtoO " ; and some- 
times with the !iynednum\ We learn how- 
ever from more precise writers that those 
appellations were not synonymous ; and this 
throws an important light upon the internal 
organization of the Carthaginian senate, which 
contained within itself a smaller and a larger 
council. The former, or more select council, 
was called gerusia, and the latter s^nklciOA\ 
and both these were sometimes included under 

> Iti PoLYB. i» p. 215, a depuuiion of thirty ineinb«rs to 
Kamilcar and Hapnu, A^aiu in Ltvv, xxx» 16. 
>• /it for cxarnple in DuoDOHii, i. p. 679, and many otflfert. 
•^ Poi.YB. i, p. 4ao. 

£BAf. III. 



the name of synedrium. Thus we find ia two 
passages of Polybius, the germia and aynkktos 
expressly disting^uished from one another. In 
the armyof Mago in Italy, two out of the^erwiiö 
and fifteen out of the council were taken prison- 
ers**. When Rome obliged the Carthaginians to 
give up three hundred young men as hostages, 
they were partly to be taken from the sons of the 
gertma and partly from those of the council % 
Diodorus also makes a distinction between 
them in more than one passage ^ It is there- 
re evident that a distinction must have ex- 
ted ; and from the proportion which the num- 
ber of prisoners above mentioned bear to each 
other, it seems plain that the members of the 
council were more numerous than tiiose of the 
senate, or gerusia. We may, therefore, con- 
ider the latter as composed of a selection, as 
name implies, of the senior, or most worthy 
members ; for in it, as is shown by a great 
number of examples, the most important affairs 
were first debated. This is placed beyond 
a doubt by a passage of Livy*; ''The Cartha- 


< PoLVB. iii, p* 228. 

• PoLYB. iv, p, 671. But in anolhor place Poljbiut calli the sfimte 

' DroDoni^*» U- cc. 

r Ltv. xj(x. 16. Oratores ad pacem petcndaioi roitluot trigiDla seaioruin 
mocipes« Id erat »aticüus apud illos consilium« tnaximaque ad ipsum 
aedatum regeDdum vis* What Livy calb ihc senatum is therefore the larger 
CauDcilj the «ruyjcXijroc; the «tfuuru, on the cootrary (the gtnma) the 



CHAP. Itl. 

ginians were so dismayed at the capture of 
Syphax, that they refused to listen to any one 
who advised a continuance of hostilities, and 
sent thirty of their principal elders, as ambas- 
sadors, to solicit peace. With them'\ con- 
tinues the historian, "the select council is held 
in the highest reverence, and enjoys a para- 
mount control over the senate itself/' The 
relation in which the gentsia stood to the 
larger council, may doubtless be drawn from 
this fact: they were not two completely sepa- 
rate assemblies, for the members of the gerusia 
belonged also to the larger council, and we 
have therefore very properly called it a select 
council. This is also confirmed by the manner 
in which they transacted business ; for we learn 
from many examples, that state affairs were 
first laid before the gertma, and after having 
been deliberated upon there, were brought 
before the larger assembly. 

Respecting the origin of this select council, an 
account is preserved to us in Justin which gives 
us a deep insight into the Carthaginian govern- 
ment. *' As the house of Mago", says he^ 
** became dangerous to a free state, an hundred 
judges were chosen from among the senators, 
who, upon the return of generals from the war, 
should demand an account of the things trans- 
acted by them, that they being thereby kept in 
awe, should so bear themselves in their com- 




CHAP. in. 



niand in the war» as to have regard to the laws 
and judicature at home." From this passage 
it is clear that the hundred was selected from 
the more extensive assembly of the senate ; 
and the number of its members is also deter- 
mined. The subsequent history of Carthage 
sufficiently shows that it remained a per- 
manent assembly, as does also the severity, 
and often cruelty, with which it treated unsuc- 
cessful commanders, who sometimes chose 
rather to lay violent hands upon themselves, 
than submit to its rigour'. This assembly 
was from its first formation a high court of 
judicature and state tribunal ; and to it was 
confided the care of maintaining the existing 
government. An institution such as this is 
quite in the spirit of an aristocratical republic, 
in which state policy is the main support of 
the government; it is however too apt to de- 
generate into espionage and tyranny, as did 
the council of ten, and the state-inquisition 
connected with it, at Venice. The influence 
of individual members of an aristocracy, espe* 
cially when invested with military command, 
soon excites the jealousy of the other rulers ; 
such a tribunal as this, therefore, is not so 
much raised against the people as against the 
aristocracy itself. It is likewise easy to com- 
prehend how an institution like this would go 

' DioooR^», u, 412. 
^ AnisTOT. Foiit. u, I 

124 CARTHAGINIANS. cmap. in. 

beyond the purpose for which it was originally 
designed; especially, as it very naturally hap- 
pened, that the most important aftairs of state I 
were generally first transacted in it. The 
testimony of Aristotle, who calls the council 
of the hundred the highest tribunal in the 
state, also confirms our view of the original 
formation of this assembly. It is true that he 
does not expressly say that this council was 
the same as the gcrima, nor on the other hand 
does he contradict it; and it seems therefore 
rather to follow from the expression just cited 
that it was, as we cannot see in what sense a 
centumvirate like this could have stood superior 
to the genma. But the formidable power 
necessarily under the command of a state-tri- m 
bunal of this kind, elevated as it is above all 
that is great and powerful, and, what is almost 
inseparable from it in whatever form it may 
appear, even though its primary institution 
may be merely to repress luxury, the erecting 
itself into a censorship of public morals* 
render it frequently dangerous to that liberty h 
which it is its peculiar duty to protect. This ■ 
was the course which affairs took in Carthage. 
During the flourishing periods of the republic, 
the council certainly answered the end for 

I Tbe cea&ofsb]|> of morals m Carthage wis very sUoog. A single 
miigistrale: wa% appo'mted to the office whasc power was so great that he 
even repnmaoded and checked the general Uamitcar» aa he interdfcled him 
from rollomog a suspicious conaeGlioa. Coun. NepoSj^ AiiacAn» c. 3. If 
this magistrate was not a ttiagistrAte of th« gtrum, he cerUioIy stood in a 
cloM conacclJon wit]j i«. 

CBAP. til. 



which it was designed : the prevention of 
domestic revolutions in the state. Only two 

t attempts of this kind are known to us, both 
of which failed""; and the great and perma- 
uent solidity which is universally ascribed to 
the Carthaginian government, was in some 
measure owing to this institution. In the 
latter period of the republic, however, its 
power degenerated into oppressive despotism, 
^as will be shown in the last chapter of this 

As regards the internal organization of this 
council, we have a little more information. Its 
members, according to Aristotle, discharged the 
duties of their oflRce without fee or reward. They 
were elected ; yet neither by the people nor the 
larger senate, but by the ;;e/i/ö/rA*e^, or councils 
of five. What these were it is difficult to dis- 
B cover. They are only mentioned by Aristotle; 
but then it is with the addition that they 

■ managed many and the most important aflairs 
of government, and that they filled up their 
own number. There were therefore not one, 
but several pentarchies ; each of them, as the 
name implies, composed of five members. 
Aristotle adds that the members of these con- 
tinued in office for a very long time; as it was 
necessary that they should hold some office 
before they could be elected into a pentarcky. 

°* The oae already tneotioned by IIadhoj B. C. 340, which Amtotle 
knaw of; aod th«c by Borailcar, Diono^tu». ii, 437, wim did not die till 
Sj, therefore after Amlorle » time. 



CHAP. lit. 

which still they retained after they ceased to 
belong to that body". Such is the sum of our 
information, which, though thus limited, affords ■ 
some idea of the general character of these 
bodies. They were committees to which 
various and indeed the most important branches 
of the government were entrusted* What these 
branches were cannot be affirmed with cer- 
tainty; but it is highly probable that the admi- 
nistration of finance, etc. were among them. 
It is not however probable that the govern- 
ment of the provinces fell within the number 
of their duties °. From all that we know of the 
Carthaginian state, and from what we have 
already stated, it appears that these were 
always confided to individual governors ; and 
never to a council, — Again, it is certain that 
the pentarckks were closely connected with the 
genmäj, whose members they even elected. It 
seems indeed probable that they themselves 
were nothing more than committees chosen 
from the gerusi a ; for if all affairs of importance m 
first came before that council, is it to be sup- " 
posed that they would have transferred the 
management of them to any but members of their 
own body ? This also best explains the state- 
ment of Aristotle that the members of the pen- 
tarchies remained veiy long in office, and took 


» AftlÄTOT, I. C. 

* Kli'OF! ad ArisiotfUm^ p. ISO, eic^ The reason which the ai 
bring! forward i« the analogy of the ten men ofSpsrU; thi« howevei 
htve DO great weight, at ihtsc nero only milittry magiilritei. 

CHAP. lit. 



part in the government; because they must 
previously have belonged either to the geriisia, 
or at least to the larger senate, and afterwards 
have again become members of the gerusia. 
Although many of the above statements rest 
only upon conjecture, they appear to be highly 
probable ; not merely from their agreement 
with all the other written accounts, but be- 
cause they also are most in unison with the 
aristorcatic character of the government, which 
nearly approached to an oiigarcht/. 
1 The duties of the Carthaginian senate, in- 
cluding both the larger and smaller body, seem 
upon the whole to have been of the same 
nature and extent as those of the Roman. 
There is no doubt that all business relating to 
I foreign aifairs was under its management. The 
official reports were delivered to it by the kings, 
who presided p. It received foreign ambassa- 
^■iors; it deliberated upon all matters of state; 
^Bmd its authority was then so great that it 
^Becided even upon war and peace : although, 
as a matter of form, the question was sometimes 
laid before the people*'. Its power, therefore, 
^seems to have been unlimited, so long as its 
^^decisions agreed with that of the suffctcs. In this 
! case it alone had the power of deciding whether 
the matter should be laid before the people. 
I It was only when these two branches of the 

^B 9 PoLraivft, i, p. 456. 
r " Pof.YBiui, i, p- ÖI, 45« ; iii, 498. 

574, 679. 

DionoRus, ii p. 4t2, 450; ii» p. 




government could not agree that it was left for 
the people to determine'. The senate conse- 
qyently held the greater part of the legislative 
power in its hands ; nothing being brought* 
before the people upon which it had not first" 
dehberated ; and the senate then determined 
whether or not it should be laid before the 
popular assembly. That to its care was con- 
tided the welfare and security of the city, and 
that it had the supreme direction of the public 
revenue, is probable from what has been said 
of the gerusia. It belonged essentially to the 
character of the aristocracy, 

Aristotle, in comparing the Carthaginian 
with the Spartan constitution, finds another 
similarity, viz, between the public meals of the 
companies" and the Phiditia. But that the sys-M 
jfiiia or clubs at Carthage were very different™ 
from the public tables of Sparta in which all 
the citizens, and even the kings were obliged 
to share, is however evident. How, in one of 
the most populous commercial cities of the 
world, which even at its fall numbered 700,000 
inhabitants, composed of every variety and | 
mixture of ranks, could such a regulation exist? 
On the other hand, social unions among the M 
ruling class (which might perhaps have had ™ 
some political tendency) are completely in the 
spirit of an aristocratical republic ; and in a 
city so rich as Carthage they would become 

^ Arisiot. Potit. ii, 11. 
• Til ffiKTffiVta TÜV «rcufHwv. 


[AP. tu. 



connected, if not always, yet occasionally, with 
public banquets. Such assemblies I under- 
;tand by the companies of Aristotle, and not a 
ineral division of the people. In free states 
»litical parties are naturally formed, and we 
know that there was no want of them in Car- 
thao^e. The members of such parties required 
meetings unrestrained by ceremony or form 
(perhaps like the whig club in England), where 
they might come to an understandin«^ among 
themselves ; and from modern history we know, 
that in such political clubs determinations are 
often formed beforehand, which afterwards are 
sanctioned in the legitimate assemblies. How 
far this was the case at Carthage we cannot 
say with certainty; but traces of it are plainly 
to be discovered in its history* Deliberations 
Bmong the nobles not only without form, but 
^»ren in secret, are repeatedly mentioned by Po- 
^■ybiusV The evidence of Livy is still more to 
^Khe purpose, in the passage where he states, that 
^■ihe plans and negotiations of Aristo, with the 
Barcine party, when sent to Carthage by the 
fugitive Hannibal, were debated first in societies 
and at banquets, and afterwards in the senates 
But w^e obtain most light upon this subject from 
a passage in the above-mentioned work of 
Theodorus Metochita. *' The Carthaginians/' 
says he, " transacted their state affairs by 
nio^ht ; and in the evening and at night time 






cnkp. tit, 


held their meetings and societies.'" That this 
cannot be understood of the regular meetings 
of the senate and people, which certainly were 
held by day and not by night, may be shown 
by many examples. If they were held by 
night, it was because the affairs required 
secrecy*. It can therefore only be understood 
of social meetings such as clubs or private so- 
cieties; and which, in so hot a climate, might 
very naturally take place in the evening or night, 
and be connected with feasting; without our 
concluding therefrom that they were secret 
assemblies. These must not be confounded 
with the public entertainments which some of ^ 
the nobles gave to the people \ | 

At the head of the senat« and republic were 
the kings, as they are called by the Greek 
writers ; the Romans usually compare them 
with their consuls ; their proper name was 
suffetes*, AH that we know positively respect- 
ing them is that they were elected, and elected 
from the principal families ; that they had the 
highest place in the senate, before whom they 
laid the subjects to be discussed ; and that, on 


* Al tlte secret audience wbich the scoate were obliged Lo give the a»' 
baasadon of Ferse tis, Liv. xll, 27. 

3^ Oh this poinl I cannot concur iu the opinmD of Ktvoi: upon AtttiTor* 
p, 45, though I agree otherwise with his view of the Syssitea, The account 
of the banquet of fJimoo (Justin, xxi, 4)t intended for the purpose of briog- 
ing about a revolution ia the slate has nothing to do with our subjecL It 
was altogether of a diiTerent kiad. 

• Ljv. XXX, 7. Suffetes, quod velul consulare impertum apud eos «rat. 
Ff.4TLts : SufTes, comuI lingua Pceoorum. The Schophetim of the He* 




the whole, they possessed a high degree of 
power and influence \ Thus far we learn ex- 
pressly from Aristotle ; all beyond is left 
to conjecture. As Aristotle compares them 
with the Spartan kings, and Polybius with the 
Roman consuls \ and both speak of them in 
the plural number, it certainly seems highly 
probable that there were always two reigning 
at the same time. That this was in fact the 
case we are not expressly informed by any con- 
temporary writer % and those of later date have 
here but little authority ; we might indeed be 
led to adopt the contrary supposition because 
only one king is frequently spoken of*^; though 
this is not conclusive that there was not also 
a second. The same uncertainty exists re- 
specting the duration of their office. It has 
generally been believed from the analogy of the 
Roman consuls, that they were changed every 
year; but little dependence is to be placed on 

the testimony of Nepos% upon which this 
opinion rests, as this writer is drawing a paral- 
lel between them and the Roman magistrates. 
On the other hand, there are strong reasons for 
supposing the contrary to be the case. Thus 
the name of kings (ßa<Tt\u^), by which the Greeks 

listinguished them, would indicate rather a 

* Abistot. i. c. 

»• POLYB. ii. p.ö6i. 

•= See CoKN* NtP. Hannib. cap. 7, 
•1 AsiaPoLYB. i. |). 466, 478. 

* Corn. Nip. 1. c. 



132 CARTHAGINIANS, chap, hi. 

ruler for life than one annually elected'. Be^ 
sides, Aristotle, in comparing them with the 
Spartan kings, finds only one difference of im- 
portance between them ; namely, that in Sparta 
the dignity was hereditary in two families, 
whilst in Carthage it depended upon election. 
Now had the Carthaginian kings been renewed 
yearly, would Aristotle have neglected to note^ 
so strikin«,^ a difference ? Would he in short have' 
been justified in making the comparison at all? 
The same inference may be drawn from an ex- 
pression of Polybius. " In Hannibal's army," 
says he, •* was Hanno, the son of king Bomil- 
car«." Would he have thus distinguished him 
if his father had only been king for one year t 
The question however is decided, in my 
opinion, by a passage in the newly discovered 
work of Cicero. Dt Re Publka^\ In this he 
compares the kings of Carthage with those of 
Rome, and contrasts them with the magistrates 
who were afterwards annually elected. How 
could he have done this if he had not been as- 
sured that this dignity continued for life? 

It is sometimes stated of particular kings of j 
the Carthaginians, '* that they ruled according 
•to law^" Whether this expression refers to 
the legitimacy of their power or its restriction by 

' Although ihe second archon in Athens bore the title or/BairiXtitf (kiog). 
it happened, u i» well knowo, because he had uoder his care th« latru oi 
the ancient kia(rs. and m> far be stood id their place. 

9 PoLYB, i, 478. 

•• CicKio df Rrpub. ii, 23. 

i Diooonv«» t, p. 685> i», p* 574, Kara vofiovc ßaoi\kvmv* 

GBAP. ni. 



law, or whether it denotes the king who ad- 
niinistered affairs at home, as opposed to the 
one who acted as general abroad ^ I dare not 
venture to decide. 

Next to the rank of king that of general was 
the highest in the republic. " In elections," 
says Aristotle ^ " and especially in those of the 
highest offices, such as kinjüfs and generals, 
respect is paid to the two qualifications of rank 
and wealth/' It appears, therefore, that its 
government in one particular had a great superi- 
ority over the Roman, It kept distinct the 
military and civil power. The dignity of king 
and general was not regularly united, though 
several examples show that these offices were 
not incompatible with each other. But tlien 
the king could not enjoy the latter without the 
command being expressly conferred upon him''. 
At the close of the campaign his powers ex- 
pired ; and previously to a new one, a fresh 
nomination was necessary". There are also 
examples of generals being made kings during 
their command''. That other foreign expedi- 
tions were also intrusted to the kings, is shown 
by the voyage of Hanno for the establishment 
of colonies on the western coast of Africa; who 

* KtvcE mi ArhioU Poiit, p. 92. 
' A »I »TOT, Poht. ii, 11. 

■ Diooonvs, i, p. 574. The elder Hannibal, li, p, U. Upon kiog 
Mago was conferred ihe commaLad in Sicily. 

• DiouoAiTS »>. P **12. 




is expressly called king of the Carthaginians. 
At the same time we often meet with generals 
who were not kings ; and Aristotle is therefore 
right in distinguishing them. Hannibal, in 
his treaty with Philip, calls himself general, 
and not king^ It would be superfluous to bring 
forward other examples. 

The election of generals according to regular 
order first took place in the gerusia, and after- 
wards was brought before the senate and 
people*". If the army took upon themselves 
to nominate one of their commanders, it must 
only be considered an exception to the rule ; 
and even in this case their nomination required 
the sanction of the senate and people. It was 
not unusual for several generals to be ap- 
pointed when several armies were in the field^ 
The power of the Carthaginian generals does 
not appear tu have been at all times the same. 
We have examples of unlimited autliority being 
given them*; and probably even the title of 
general was conferred, as tliat of hnperaior, in 
the higher sense, among the Romans. At other 
times commissioners were delegated by the 
gerusla from their own body to attend the 
generals ; and in their name, jointly with that 



P CuRi*'« Nep. Hannib, 7. is the ODly one who $ay& of Haombal, be 
bad become rtx at twenly^lwo years of ag-«« Tli», however i& evideodjr 
4 Uluoder either of th« writer or tranBCnber, and rex is put iQsLead aiduti 
Tor we kaow titat HaoDtbal U thia age was created gencrJ. 

H FuLVB, i, 413. 

f Poi.vfl- 1,77. 

• I^OL^ ■'*•?• 'Sfi; DintoRif*. iu 576» 

CHAP. in. 



of the generals, public affairs were transacted ; 
though perhaps the power of the commander 
in military matters still remained unfettered'. 
But the high responsibility of the latter at 
their return made circumspection necessary; 
and therefore we often see them, before deci- 
sive undertakings, calling the other commanders 
to a council of war". 

The Roman writers speak of praetors and 
quaestors among the Carthaginians\ But only 
once, and that an extraordinary case, when Han- 
nibal after the war with Rome was placed al 
the head of the state, do we hear of a praetor. 
It does not therefore seem to have been a re- 
gular office in the republic. The quaestor, in 
close connection with the gerusia, had the 
management of all matters relating to the fi- 
nances; but neither the duties of his office nor 
his proper title can be more accurately deter- 
mined. Perhaps he was the chief of a pen- 
tarchy which conducted the affairs of the 

Respecting the administration of justice in 
Carthage, our information is very scanty ; we 
shall nevertheless be able to seize its general 
character. For this we are indebted to Aris- 

* This was ibe case ia the army of Hannibal, at ts shown by the treaty 
with Philip. FoLYu. ii, p. 698. It is well known that the same was don« 
by the French national convcntioa during the wars of the French revo- 

■* UaaDiUaJ called to % council bit brother Mago aod llie reit of (lie offi- 
ctn, PoLYD. i, p. 538. 

« Ljvv, laxiiii 46. 

136 CARTHAGINIANS. chap, hi, 

totle, who, thoiiorh he is so brief in his remarks 
on the Carthaginian constitution as to be 
almost unintelligible, yet, in another part of his 
work, he explains himself somewhat more fully, 
** In some states", he says% ** there is no body 
of citizens {^t*^) and no popular assembly 
(^jrifX*,^/«), but only a senate (irtJy*xi,Toc), and law- 
suits are decided solely by individuals (»cark fw><K), 
as is the case in Lacedemon, where civil suits 
(tmftjSflXara) are decided by the different ephors» 
criminal cases by the gerusia, and other magis- 
trates perhaps determine other causes. It is 
just the same at Carthage, for there all lawsuits 
are decided by certain magistrates'." From 


* Aristot- Paiit. iih !. 

[■ Ahistot, Potit. VÜ, \, *Ev AaKfSaifsot't rrlf rwv <rttfißo\aiütv ^uca^n 
fuv l<^(Htiv (IXXoc *iXAflc, oi dk yipovrec T^g i^vik()s. Iripa i' «ffwf ^px^ 
r%z tripac rhv aitrov vi rpb-rov ra* irtpi KapxriCova- Tnkaai yap ap^ai 
Tit'ic Kfilvovai rdf ÜKa^, Compare li, 9, «ni («pKrroffparrrA*») rA rdc 
^fVac »'TÄ TÜV apxtiiitv hxaXi^Sat väirac tcai fit) uXKac iw' dXXwv, 
teadldirip Iv AaKteaijxovi. I'Ne meaning of iht latter of the&e passages (a* 
lo whJcb til« author expreises sume doubt) is the sam« as of the lormer.viKi 
that at Carthage some one separate court (thaugh doubtless sitting in dif 
tmct iribunala) decided all lawHUitSj wlicthcrjn the oature of civil cauaei, 
or cases of bomicide, wbieh io the aocietit slates were conimonlj left to be 
prosecuted by the ktosmen of the deceased; whereas at Sparta difTereut 
«peciea of lawsuits were disutbuted among ditFereot courts; cases of homi- 
cide being hüard by the couucillors, civil suits being apportioned in cluj^es 
to particular epbors^ case.^ of adoption and the marriage of heiresses belong- 
ing to the kings, etc. la Canhage every court bad atj uatversal juri»- 
diction : at Spartai the jurisdiction of each magistrate was limited to parti- 
cular kinds of suits. The meaning nf the former part of the passage trans- 
lated in llie text is, Uut in some states tltere is no targe body of free ritjren* 
{i.e. the common« arc in the power either of a narrow hereditary oliffatchy, 
or of the public niagistratcii), nor is there a regular popular assembly, but 
the mogi**'^*** have the power of convening the people when they please, 
and lain^su»** *'• decided not by the whole body of ll»e people judging ia 
rotalioD C** *•• Athens), but by a certain class or order of the comrouaiiy, 
Kara ^«poC* See Arkold on Thocyd. ii, 37. Note nddrd to thi% ittttnLttuui} 





these statements it will at once appear that 
there was no judiciary assembly of the people 
at Carthage, as at Rome and Athens. This must 
certainly have prevented many evils; as popular 
tribunals formed one of the most dangerous and 
injurious institutions possessed by the free 
states of antiquity. The foregoing arrange- 
ment too was quite in the spirit of aristocracy, 
with which popular tribunals are incompatible» 
It farther appears from the passage quoted, 
that all lawsuits were decided in Carthage by 
magistrates and regular courts of justice. Re- 
specting the constitution of these courts we 
have indeed little information, as Aristotle, our 
only authority, is here so very concise. He 
names expressly only one of these bodies, that 
of the huftdrvd ami four \ which we must be 
careful to distinguish from that of ^//e hamlred, 
wth which it is often confounded, although 
the difference is accurately marked. He com- 
pares it with the ephors of Sparta, and points 
out only this difference, that the latter were 
chosen from all classes of the people, while 
the hundred and four were chosen according 
to their merit. That this also was an aris- 
tocratic principle requires no proof; nor 
that the great dissimilarity in their number 
must have arisen from the great difference 
in the populousness of the two cities. From 
its being compared with the ephors, it is also 
plain that this board was a superior court for 

•, 11. 



CHAP, rti. 

the decision of civil suits. As to its other 
powers we can ofler little more than conjecture, ■ 
It is probable that this board contained several 
subdivisions or sections, to which the exaraina- 
tion oi certain classes of lawsuits was intrusted, 
and that the sentence was afterwards pro- f 
nounced in full assembly (in pleno). Whether 
however to this full asacmbly, besides the 
hundred and foil )\ all the remaining magistrates 
of Carthage belonged, admits of doubt \ Livy 
certainly says in one place, that the suffetes sat 
in judgment"; but I understood this as referring 
to the high tribunal of the hundred» or the 
germia, in which we know that they presided, 
and which took cognizance of treason, as did 
also tlie gcrusia of Sparta, as we learn from the 
comparison of Aristotle, which is confirmed by 
history. That besides the board of the hundred 
and four, there were other courts of justice al ■ 
Carthage not mentioned by Aristotle, can 
scarcely be doubted ; but they are not known 
to us. 

Such is the sum of our information respect- 
ing the constitution of Carthage during its 
flourishing period. The great rock upon which 
it split was the too powerful influence of wealth 
in procuring the highest offices of state, and, 
what was closely connected with it, the ac- 
cumulation of many offices in one person**. The 


KhVGzad AriMtot, PotU, p. 168. 

LrvY xxxiv. 61. 

Both Are rtiD&fked bj AnurroT. Ptlit, i\, 11. 

CHAP. tu. 



ties however by which the whole state was 
knit together were too strong for the etfects of 
these evils to be immediately felt, — religion 
was one of the most important of them, and 
must not be left unnoticed. 

The religion of the Carthaginians was the 
same as that of their forefathers the Phoe- 
nicians*. It appears however to have under- 
gone many changes on the coast of Africa ; as 
the Carthaginians were not at all averse to the 
introduction of foreign gods*. But that it con- 
tinued substantially the same is proved by the 
great veneration paid by the Carthaginians to 
the Tyrian Hercules, to whom they sent yearly 
embassies and offerings, and by their adherence 
to ancient and sometimes cruel rites, though 
greatly softened by the spirit of the age*. The 

* See in particulir ihe learned treatise of my friend : t Bishop D. 
Munt CR : The litligüm of the Carthaginiantf tht ucond and much improved 
tdititm, Copenhagen, 1822, to which 1 refer for everything relating to re- 
UfMo, winch does not come within the s«ope of the preseat work. But 
tbdogh we here speak of the jellgioD or ihe southern nations, it must not 
be forgotteo, that it here was always connected with faoaticuiia. How 
tDUch this prevailed ttnonp the Carthaginian» may be seen from the state- 
incDt of DioooRus, i, p. 701, that three hundred men wiltingly devoted 
ttMem«elvcs to death a* sacnhees. 

' Thus the Carthaginians introducei:] the worship of Ceref from Sicily* 
DioDont's^ i, p. 701. They seat ambassadors to the Delphic oracle, ii, 
p. 318. 

< We know that the üflering of buraan sacrifices wn» a native custom in 
Ph<smci*and Carthage. According toDiDDOHtB, >i,p.4l5,ii had gradually 
grown so much out of use, that only the children of slaves were clandestinely 
sacrifiood; and it wasonly had recourse to in times of peculiar distress. Tbe 
RoiDaos,&&d other civilized nations of antiquity, pr^ictised it,, and iihe re fore it 
afforda u& uo rule by which wc can judge of their civiliiation. It iHrue 
that the oam!>er of human sacrifices was» greate» among »he Carthaginians 
than among these nAtiuii&i but what was it «compared with the thousands 




Greek and Roman writers commonly give the 
names of their own gods to those of the Cartha- 
guiians; and Hercules, Saturn, and Neptune 

were the first among them. 

The Carthaginian 


name of Hercules was Mdcart^ the tutelar 
deity of the city both in Carthage and Tyre ; 
that of Saturn or Cronos, Moloch or Bel, already 
spoken of under the head of Babylon ; but neither 
that of Poseidon or Neptune, nor that of Triton, 
both originally Libyan deities, are preserved. 
Besides these gods there was the goddess 
Astarte, frequently confounded with Aphrodite, 
or Venus, likewise of Phoenician origin. What 
objects or powers of nature were originally 
represented by these beings, and received the i 
adoration of man, may be left to the learned ■ 
in religioiis history to determine- The only 
question to he considered here is, whether, and 
how far, their religion was interwoven with the 
constitution and became a part of the govern- 
ment? Many passages show that this was the 

destroyed by the Spaoish inquiiitian ! and these not merely children, Dut 
nerely offered in the limes of preifting c»Iamity« as among the Cartht- 
ginj ans ^ when man ia his despair »ought and hoped to ßod defiver&oce! 
No one I hope will consider thk remark fts »n endeavour to defend the 
praciicQ of sncrificiDg human being«. I unly wish lo show thai it requires 
but a modihcaLioQ of the ^ame idea, to bring back id ditTerent ages, and 
even among civilized nations, Lhc same horrors. The farther particularf 
upon this custom amoug the Carthagioiitas may be found collected by 
M\jf<r£iit p. n, etc. I place but little reliance wpon later Roman writers 
with regard «u what they relate of the more early periods. But as we read 
in BowDictt and others, that the custom of offering human sacrifices eveo 
sow prevaiU in Africa to a fearful extent, must not its origin lie still deeper! 
May not ibis custom originally be in some woy connected with the »Uve 
trade 1 




case to a considerable degree. There was 
however no distinct order of priests, or re- 
ligious caste, in Carthage as there Avas in Egypt, 
Neither do we find traces of any particular 
sacerdotal functions being hereditary in certain 
families. Nor have we any information as to 
the degrees of dignity in the hierarchy. But 
the offices of the priesthood were filled by the 
highest persons in the state, and had outward 
marks of honour attached to them; so that 
some of the most important of them were not 
deemed unworthy the sons of their kings**. 
Among these was doubtless the priesthood of 
Melcart, with which the religious missions, or 
TTieoricB^ to the temple of the national god at 
Tyre were connected'. Indeed the most im- 
portant public affairs were so intermingled with 
religious ceremonies, that it seems probable 
that the magistrates were also priests, or at 
least might become so. The generals were 
obliged to offer sacrifices even during the time 
of battle''. Prophets accompanied the armies, 
without whose advice nothing could be under- 
taken'. Public monuments of the greatest en- 
terprizes were placed in the principal temples 

^ See the account of Carialo the son of Malchus, in Jvstjv, lib. xvii^ 7. 
Wbeo the worship of Ceres and Proserpine was iiitro<luced at Carthage, 
tJiie principal men of the city were appototed as their prieau* DiODoaua, 
U 171. 

* Jüinw. I- e. 

^ Aj Komilcar did ia Sicily. DioDOjtvSj i, 699« And again, Heroo. 
rii, 167. 

' DlODOBU», I. C- I 



«SA». UI. 

of Carthage"*; and the foundation of sanc- 
tuaries" was also connected with the planting 
of their foreign settlements, where care was 
taken, as has been shown in its proper place, 
to introduce the religion and form of worship 
of the mother country. 

Imperfect as this account of the Cartha- 
ginian constitution is, and must remain, it is 
nevertheless sufficient to show its general cha- 
racter. In a commercial state, depending on a 
single city, little else could be expected than 
that the more opulent families would seize the 
government and form an aristocracy, of which 
the mainspring was the senate, which de- 
rived dignity from the splendour of its wealth 
and conquests, and which found its support in 
the mutual jealousy of its members, and the 
religion of the people. It was thus for a suc- 
cession of centuries preserved unshaken, until 
after the first peace with Rome new circum- 
stances and relations were introduced, which 
loosened the bands that had hitherto held the 
government together. How this change came 
to pass, and what were its consequences, will 
be explained in the last chapter of our inquiries 
respecting this republic. 

* Like the voyage of Hanoo which was inscribed in the letnple ofSa^tQlH} 
and aiw tbe mnQUTncnts which HaraUcar, the son ofMafo, erected in the 
colonies, and (uiticularly \a ihe capital. Heiioo. K c. 

■ As was the sanctuary of Neptune on ihe west coast of Africa Uy Uanno; 
and tliat of Hercules al New Carlbüge in Spain by AsdruUal. 




Public Revenue of Carthage. 

The greatness and power of a conquering com- 
mercial state naturally depends in a great 
measure upon its finances. Of its most splen- 
did undertakings many are altogether different 
from those of merely warlike nations ; even its 
wars are carried on rather by its riches than its 
armies. What immense treasures Carthage 
most have expended in the foundation of her 
many colonies? And how much it must have 
cost her to maintain her numerous armies, 
almost entirely composed of mercenaries ! 

It would therefore be highly desirable to 
know whence these vast treasures flowed, the 
way in which they were managed, and how 
they were expended ? But unfortunately 
upon these subjects we are left almost wholly 
in the dark. Scarcely one of the ancient 
writers has given us more than a few scattered 
hints respecting them. 

144 CARTHAGINIANS. chap, iv. 

Before however we discuss the revenue of a 
state, it is necessary to define accurately, in 
what its wealth consisted, and what were its 
most important expenses. Gold and silver were 
certainly the standard of value at Carthage; 
money, probably of both raetals, was also coined 
there". That the possession of the rich mines 
which they obtained brought a considerable 
quantity of the precious metals into their coun- 
try is certain ; but their wealth consisted quite 
as much in the produce of their industry. It 
has already been shown how diligently agri- 
culture was followed among them ; and in 
countries so highly favoured labour must have ^ 
been abundantly rewarded. Not less import- ■ 
ant was the produce of their manufacturers and 
artizans. Many and indeed the most important ■ 
expenses of the state were of a kind that never 
require to be paid in the precious raetals. The 
expenses of the government in Carthage were 

* Whether (be Carthagtiuaos itamped gold and silver coins is a r^uetttoD 
alill iJoubtrul. See Eckukl DMtrina Numm, Vet.iv, p. 1^16, We are oot 
without coins with Punic inscription», some of whicli »«rere coined in the 
Sicilian citicR, Panormus for instiDce, undei the dominioD of Carthage. 
Yet it stilt remains uocerUio whether any coin» are extant issued )>y the 
city of Carthage lierself. But that io Carthage ft gold coinftgc waa curreot 
is clear from PoLvaiuSr vol. i, p. 164, wlio mentions that the mercenarie* 
should be paid with it. There ia also the example of Hkinno. who, after 
Ihe loss of Agrigeptum, was fined about six ihousaod pieces of |t>ld* 
DtODontrs, vol. ii, p. 5Q3. But it is not probable, that a commercial city 
like Carthage, whose colonies coined money should not have had any 
coinage herself. It may however be believed that the Carihagioians learned i 
the art of comtng from the Sicilian Greeks, who had brotighlttt to the ^| 
highest perfection. The Punic money extant was mostly coined in Sicilian '^^ 
cities. This in some degree explains, how the ait might remain confined 
to the.«e cities, without being exercisf^d in the rapilsL 





^probably liglit. There, as well as in Rome, 
the offices of state were regarded as appoint- 
I meats of honour, and filled without pay. The 
chief expense of the nation was undoubtedly 
the maintenance of its fleets and armies ; the 
latter, liowever, might be, and indeed, as will 
be shown, was effected in a great measure by 
payment in kind. Neither was their foreign 
trade carried on entirely by means of gold and 
silver; but to a considerable extent, perhaps 
the greater part, by barter. 
^^ Up to the lime of the great conquests made 
^^in Spain by Hamtlcar Barca, and his succes- 
j sors, the quantity of gold and silver, and also 
of coin at Carthage, was probably much less 
than might at first sight be supposed. These 
conquests were the means of increasing to a 
large amount the revenues and treasure of 
Carthage. The first peace with Rome, and the 
war with the mercenaries which followed, were 
both occasioned by want of money ; a want 
which is never perceived after the conquests in 
Spain. Another circumstance also in the early 
history of Carthage clearly shows, if not the 
absolute, yet the relative want of a circulating 
medium composed of the precious metals. 

Although the Carthaginians had in reality no 
paper money, or bank-notes, they had never- 
theless a contrivance answering nearly the same 
purpose, and which existed also in some of the 
Greek commercial cities, as well as in some 
modern states, — ^naraely, tokens. They are, in- 




deed, in many places mentioned as a money of 
leather ; but it is nowhere so clearly described 
as in the dialogue upon riches, attributed 
to iEschines the Socratic philosopher ^ **We 
must look, however," says he, in the passage 
quoted, **to the sort of money. The Cartha- 
ginians make use of the following kind : in a 
small piece of leather a substance is wrapped 
of the size of a piece of four-drachmae ; but 
what this substance is no one knows except the 
maker. After this it is sealed and issued for 
circulation ; and he who possesses the most of 
this is regarded as having the most money, and 
as being the wealthiest man. But if any one 
among us had ever so much, he would be no 
richer than if he possessed a quantity of 
pebbles." It follows from this description, 
that this money (which therefore by others is 
improperly called ieathcr-moncif), was not, like 
the small coins, composed of copper or bronze, 
which would pass only for their intrinsic worth; 
but rather a representative of specie, upon 
which a fictitious value was bestowed in circu- 
lation, and which therefore out of Carthage 
was of no value. Another fact may be gathered 
from this description, namely, that it was only 
under the authority of the state that this 
money was stamped and issued. The seal was 
evidently a peculiar mark impressed by the state. 

^ S«e iEiciiiNis Dialf^gi c. Fi$eheri, p. 78, ed. 3, where the other 
af Plato, ilmtiile«« etc. tre colleeted. 

rAP. ir. 




and which probably showed at the same time 
its current value. Finally, it is clear from the 
same account that they had found means to pre- 
vent its being imitated, since the manner of pre- 
paring it remained a secret. The words, ** what 
was contained within the leather was unknown 
to all except the maker," cannot reasonably be 
supposed to mean that they had not a general 
nowledge of what it was, but rather that they 

ere ignorant of its exact material. If it were, 
as may be supposed, a composition of metals, 
their proportions remained a state secret. The 
great disadvantages arising from the ibrgery of 
representative money are too obvious, not to 
call forth immediately the exercise of ingenuity 
as far as possible to prevent it. 

The revenues of Carthage flowed from various 
sources, and were of various kinds ; to gain 
therefore a complete knowledge of them we 
must divide them into classes, and examine 
tbem in detail. 

In a conquering state, with such exten- 
sive possessions, the tribute paid by depend- 
ent nations, must necessarily have been a 
most important branch of the public revenue. 
They were not hovvever in all parts the same ; 
and in Africa itself the contributions paid by 
the cities were widely different from those of 
the country *". These towns were situated along 
the coast, and were mostly opulent places of 

* This difttiactioti ik cle&rl; pobled out bjr Poltbivb, vot. i, p. 179. 

L 2 



trade ; it is therefore natural to suppose that 
they paid their taxes either in money or in the 
precious metals. The territory of Carthage 
iiad its coast covered with a succession of 
towns whose number alone must have i^ven 
them importance. But the largest contribu- 
tions were drawn from the towns around the 
lesser Syrtis, in the district of Emporia: a 
specimen of their value is shown in the quota 
of Little-Leptis^, that town alone paying a 
talent daily to the capital*. The amount of| 
these taxes seem in general to have been fixed 
and certain ; but in time of war they were so 
much increased, as easily to account for the dis* 
aö'ection of some of those towns towards Car- 
thage ^ 

Very different was the tribute collected m 
the open country, and the settlements founded 
therein. The tribes which inhabited these 
regions were, as we have seen above, employed 
in husbandry, and, as was very natural, paid 
their tribute in the produce of their industry*. 
And this was also the case with the foreign pro-^ 
vinces, especially Sardinia. Many passaged 
prove that the tribute here was paid in kind*"; 
and that a part was stored up in the country 
for the use of the army, part sent to CarthagCt 

*" An iinporlaot pa&sag« upon this will be found in Poltb. roh tr« 
p. 647. 

• LiVY, xxxiv, 62. 

' An «kample of it: is mentinned in Pot.yb. vol» i, p. 179. 

« Prtl.VB. 1, c, 

•' See tbe roregtvifig tection upon Sardioia. 




where it was stowed in large magazines for 
the same purpose *. To what extent this tribute 
was levied in peaceable times is unknown, but 
examples are not wanting to prove that, in 
cases of need, they were raised sometimes even 
to half the produce ^ Can we wonder then 
that the seeds of discontent should take root 
here; or that every insurrection and foreign 
invasion of the territory of Carthage should 
teem with so much danger to that republic? 

Another principal source of the Carthaginian 
revenue seems to have been the customs, which 
were collected as well in the ports of the colo- 
nies as in those of the capital itself. In the com- 
mercial treaties between Carthage and Rome ' 
still extant, the conditions under which foreign- 
^Hßrs could enter some of the Carthaginian ports 
^Hire defined with great precision. We are in- 
Hfcrmed by Aristotle, that in their treaties with 
the Etrnrians, it was accurately stipulated what 
^^commodities might or might not be imported, 
^^hat these duties were very heavy is proved by 
the contraband trade ; which was very consider- 
. able between Cyrenaica and the commercial 
I towns of Carthage'". Indeed, in the last period 
of the republic, the customs seem to have been 
the most important branch of the revenue. The 
thorough reformation of the finances which 

* PoLVB. vol. I, p. 17S, Appian, i, p. 435. 
•^ PoLv«. vuL i, p. 179. 
' AftiSTOT, Polit, lii, J}, (>/». ii, p. 261. 
" SiitAHi, p. 1193. 




Hanuibal effected at the conclusion of the 
second Roman war, when he was placed at 
the head of the government, consisted chiefly 
in his regulating the sea and land customs, 
which became so important, that without the 
imposition of any new tax upon individuals, 
they supplied all the wants of the state »• 

A third, and perhaps in later times, the most 
fruitful source of the public revenue, was its 
mines. The Carthaginians inherited from 
their forefathers a propensity to seek for the 
precious metals; and as they succeeded them in fl 
the possession of the countries which contained 
them, it was natural that they should again 
work the mines which they there found already 
opened. Spain, the country in which they 
chiefly, if not exclusively abounded, is men- 
tioned in our inquiries respecting the Phoe- 
nicians, and has already been spoken of in the i 
present work. Its chain of mountains, stretch- fl 
ing across the southern part of that kingdom, 
seems to have been particularly rich in metals; 
in gold and iron, but especially in silver. We ^ 
learn also from Diodorus**, that the inventions fl 
and ingenuity of man, was brought to aid his 
industry in working the mines. That it was 
carried to a vast extent we may be assured 
from the statement of the same writer, that 

" Ltvv, XKxiii, 47. Aanibal pottquarn vectigalja quanta terresth« 
mariiimaque essent, et tn quw res erogarentur. animailvtrtit etc. Th< 
word» plainly Khow» that ihe verti^alia wert the real cuslömB. 

" DiiinoHi 5, i« p, 369, etc. 




"all the mines which were known in his times 
were opened by the Carthaginians p/' There 
must however have been a great difference in 
this respect in the period before and after 
the great accession of territory obtained by 
the victories of the family of Barca. The mines 
which they possessed in the infancy of their 
power, were probably limited to Boetica, or 
t}\e country near the Guadalquiver, the ancient 
colony of the Phcenicians ; the mountains in 
the territory of Castulo, not far from Cordua, the 
present Sierra Morena, are celebrated for their 
riches"'; but the conquests of Hamilcar Barca 
having been undertaken principally with a view 
to extend these establishments, we find, after 
his victories, that the richest mines lay in the 
neighbourhood of New Carthage (Carthagena), 
the new capital built by the Carthaginians in 
this European Peru. They were situated, ac- 
cording to the accounts of Polybius', about 
three miles from the city, and were in his time, 
when the Romans had become masters of it, so 
considerable as to employ forty thousand slaves, 
and to give a daily produce estimated at twenty- 
five thousand drachmas'» A certain Aletes is 
said to have discovered them, and met with 
more gratitude from the Carthaginians than 

p DtODonus. i, p. 360. 

« PoLYB. vol. lit, p. 277. U IS neverlbeles« r«mi!irkable. Ibat Dtoüoru« 
place» the most ancient miues of Spain ia the Pyrenees, Or is tfii* only 
the geneiml name for the mountains m thai place f 

f Poly», vol. iii» p. 208, 

• About 2000/. 





the discoverer of the mines of Potosi did from 
the Spaniards. A temple next to those of iEscu- 
lapius and Vulcan, was erected to him in New 
Carthage, in which he was venerated as a 
demigod by a grateful posterity*. 

Whom the Carthaginians employed to work 
these mines we are not told : whether they 
sent slaves there for that purpose, as the 
Romans did afterwards, or employed the 
natives who were themselves miners". Pro- 
bably» as the number of slaves among them 
was so great, they did both. Nor are we 
better informed to whom the mines belonged- — 
whether to private individuals or to the state. 
The fact that the Carthaginians were enabled 
by them to pay their numerous armies and to 
carry on their great wars, renders it indeed 
probable that, to a certain degree, they were 
the property of the state. In opposition to 
this, however, we find examples of some of 
them being in the possession of the great fami- 
lies, who worked them for their own profit». 

The foregoing were the ordinary revenues of 
the state ; but in pressing circumstances other H 
means were resorted to. Thus we find the 
republic during her first war with Rome, en- 



' POLVB. 1. C, 

•* DionoKcs, I. c. Wliai Diodorus says of ihe slaves ihftre who worke4 
them, i* oot lo he understood of ihe tiroes previous la the Roman. 

* This is very cerUin m far as reyartls the Barcine family, from Uic u»< 
wrhich ibey made of ihe Spanish treasures as bribes. Punv, H, N. iXlii»« 
l\ remark*, t^»4l Hannibal derived a large income from ooe of bis tntactt 



deavouring to procure a foreign loan ; for 
which purpose an embassy was sent to Ptole- 
iney Philadelphus, but failed in its object ^ 
Privateering was another means which the 
Carthaginians sometimes had recourse to, and 
of which Aristotle gives us a remarkable ex- 
ample. ** The Carthaginians having numerous 
mercenaries in their city, whose pay they were 
unable to discharge, devised the following mea- 
sure ; they gave notice that if any citizen or 
resident alien had, or wished to have, a license 
to make reprisals on any foreign state or indi- 
vidual, he should register his name. In conse- 
quence of this many persons having registered, 
plundered with a lair pretext all ships sailing 
into the open sea, a time being appointed for 
giving an account of the prizes. A large sum 
of money having been thus collected the soldiers 
were paid and dismissed, and ajudicial inquiry 
was made respecting the prizes, after which a 
satisfaction was made from the public revenue 
to those who had been unjustly plundered*." 

f ArpiAK, i* p. 92. They requested &boul two tlmusaod talents (about 
400.000/*) -, Ptolemey refuied it; but oflered his mecliation. He stood io % 
friendly relation with Rome aa well &» wilb Carthage, and a loan to either 
of the states would probably have been regarded at a breach of hia neu- 

» AniaTOT- Op. vol, ii, p. 384. [In the passage of the (Ecoaomica re- 
ferred to (it, 2, 10,) the author has been deceived by the reading of tlie 
oomtnon editions Kopx^^**'«*'- instead of the right tending KaXxn^^vwt, 
which Schneider has restored form the Leipsig manuscript. The word«, 
which after the German have been rendered *' into the open sea," evidently 
lignify "into the Euxine sea" (tt^ titv Iloj^ov), at the mouth of which 




A remarkable instance of the Carthaginian 
maritime law. Under the mask of reprisals a 
piracy was carried on, in which the state 
made itself the accuser, the judge» and the fl 
executioner. Might we not almost take this 
for the model of a prize court in modern ^ 
Europe 'i | 

From this enumeration of the known sources 
of the revenues of Carthage, and from the little M 
that we do know respecting this state, it may ™ 
clearly be seen of how much we still remain i 
ignorant ! With regard to all that concerns ■ 
the administration of the revenue, we are un- 
fortunately left in the dark. From what we 
have said above of the gerusia, it appears to 
have had the general direction of the public re- 
venue ; we may also venture to regard it as more 
than probable that one of the pentarchies, with 
a magistrate at its head, whom the Romans 
called queeslor, formed a board for its immediate 
management. But how many questions still 
remain which we either cannot answer at all, or 
at best only by conjecture ? Before whom did 
the managers lay their accounts? Who fixed the 
taxes ; was it the people, or, as seems most pro- 
bable, the senate ? But it is better to confess 
our ignorance than to advance empty conjec- 
tures. Even the little that might be deduced 

CbAlcedon wa» aitu»ied. The ithötc narration is iherefore inapplicable. 
See Schmeioea's notes on the pasiagc. and GAieroitD on Auistot. Hk*t* 
i, 13, 18. ^^otc Added Ut this transUtkm.'l 




from the passage of Livy already mentioned** 
would only perhaps lead us to false conclusions ; 
since he only speaks of abuses, from which we 
cannot infer the state of things during the 
flourishing period of the republic. 

*• LivY, xxiiii, 45, 46. 




Of the Net ligation and Maritime Commerce of 

The situation of Carthage appears to have 
determined both the geoerai course and extent 
of her commerce. It consisted of a land and 
sea-trade. The following chapter will be dedi- 
cated to the former; the present wilt be de- 
voted to the discussion of the latter. 

The groundwork for our researches on this 
subject has already been laid in the accounts d 
which we have given of the foreign possessions 
and settlements of the Carthaginians. If it be 
true, as we have shown it to be in treating of 
the Phoenicians» that it is the genius of all great 
maritime nations to make their colonies the prin- 
cipal seats of their trade, the same might natu- 
rally be expected to hold of the Carthaginians. ^ 
The peculiarities, however, in the relations off 
Carthage with her colonies, which have already 
been developed, will explain some deviations 
from this general principle^ which would other- 
wise seem extraordinary. Every individual 
who has discovered a profitable branch of in-fl 
d us try, endeavours as much as possible to keep " 





is discovery secret; it seems then natural 
that states, with so much greater means in 
their power, should have a similar feeling. 
That jealousy therefore which exists in trading 
communities, is not the effect of a refinement 
in general politics, but springs up with the 
first efforts of commerce ; hence we may ex- 
pect to find that the ancient states devised 
various plans for securing a monopoly of trade. 
By no other trading people of antiquity do we 
nd this policy carried to a greater length than 
y the Carthaginians ; no other indeed could 
maintain its colonies in such strict dependence; 
an advantage which enabled her to keep her 
trade so entirely to herself, and to preserve 
it for so long a time. 

If we still possessed copies ofthat succession 
of alliances and treaties which Carthage con- 
cluded with foreign powers, we should be able 
still more distinctly to trace the principles 
of her commercial policy. From the fragments, 
however, which are left, we clearly see that 
she was too selfish to allow of foreign partici- 
pation where it could be avoided, although she 
was at times sufficiently yielding to give up a 
part rather than risk the whole. 

The city of Carthage was the capital and 
mistress of the state, and the people or citizens 
of Carthage the ruling body. The colonies on 
the contrary, served merely as staples for trade, 
planted on foreign coasts. Hence the maxim 
naturally arose to make the capital the centre 



CHAl*, V. 

of commerce^ and to prohibit its colonies trom 
trading farther than was consistent with the 
interest of the capital. This will at once 
show the motive which led Carthage to those 
jealous restrictions imposed upon her colonies ; 
and will account for the remarkable fact, that 
no instance occurs of one of them ever be- 
coming a great commercial city. Had the 
parent city allowed these the exercise of a free 
trade, it would have been impossible for her to 
have prevented their rise, or to have maintained 
her authority over them. 

The harbours of the capital were open to the 
vessels and merchants of foreign nations, ac- 
cording to the treaties entered into respecting 
them; to all the remaining ports in the terri- 
tory of the republic in Africa admission was 
either altogether forbidden, or rendered ex- 
tremely difficult. To those places alone where 
a competition in trade could not be prevented, 
as in Sicily, was access permitted to foreigners ; 
but in such cases only under very severe 
restrictions. Foreign trade was carried on 
under the inspection of the government; officers 
were appointed to superintend it, and the 
money due to the seller was guaranteed by the 

However selfish this policy may appear, it is 

* Proofs of Ibis retniLrk arc coQtaiQed in the ünl two treaties with Rom«« 
llrcüdy ofteu msntioneid« From ihuin il i« eviJeal that ibe gulf io whidi 
Cartlug« lay, as well as all the nch and fertUe eastem coast belongiog to 
k, mäM dtog«llier prohtbiled to the Romani. 







not unexampled in modern times ; but among 
the Carthaginians there existed special reasons 
for adopting it. 

First, the greater part of their trade being 
carried on with barbarous nations, consisted in 
barter; and here competition is most to be 
dreaded. So long as the savage is kept in 
ignorance, he is ready to exchange his goods 
for the merest trifles, because he knows not 
their true value ; but every rival open his eyes 
by oftering him double, nay, sometimes tenfold, 
for his commodities* To allow free trade to 
their colonies, and open their ports to foreign- 
ers, was in other words to destroy their own 

Again, Africa and Sardinia were the granaries 
whence Carthage drew food for her numerous 
armies. The less therefore the other countries 
on the Mediterranean cultivated their lands, 
the greater must have been the disadvantage 
to the republic of a free trade, and of course a 
free exportation of corn. 

We may then fairly conclude, that the policy 
of Carthage, however paltry and selfish it may 
seem in a general point of view, was imposed 
upon her by circumstances. 1 shall now take a 
survey of the principal branches of her maritime 
commerce ; premising only a few remarks upon 
the manner in which it was carried on. 

The Pcenulus of Plautus shows ^ how usual 

^ Act Vp Sc. 2, V. 54, etc, Tilt* patriotism and QAlionaJ pride which 




it was amon^ the maritime nations of antiquity, 
when commerce by commission was yet in its 
infancy or altogether unknown, for the mer- 
chant not only to trade in his own vessels, but 
even to carry his wares from place to place. 
This seems to have been the case with the 
Carthaginians, and in some degree proves, that 
their ruling families could scarcely apply them- 
selves to commerce. These voyages of the 
merchant rendered some arrangement neces- 
sary for his reception among strangers; and 
this led the Carthaginians to adopt a law or 
alliance of hospitality in use among the Greeks, 
as the form of that people was most current 
among the Greek cities. This was sometimes 
practised by individuals towards individuals, 
and sometimes by whole cities towards indi- 
viduals. It was customary for men to exchange 
certain tokens, the production of which secured 
them the rights of hospitality ; and it is in this 
manner that the Carthaginian merchant in 
Plautus shows his token of hospitality at Caly- 
don in iEtolia*, This was also frequently the 
case in many other Greek cities of the mother 
country, but more especially in the colonies 




Plautus, judging Trom the tran&latioa of ßellermtof » ittributet to Lbe Ctr- 
thaginiaQ mcrcbftat should Dot pass unnoticed. 

* I. c. V. 85. Si ita «it, tes&cram 

Caoferre »i via bospitalenv ; eccftm attuH, 

Hie word* of the CarthaginiaD invrchant. The itvura hotpitalu of MalU, 
ttiJl extatil. does oot bear upon uur subject, as it was sent bj the Greek 
city ID this islaod. to a Greek in Syrftcute. See the explaontioD io But« 
^U(ta Anlini, p. 192, etc. 






Notwithstanding Carthage preserved a close 
correspondence with her parent state, and not- 
withstanding the intercourse which she main- 
tained with Greece, with Egj^pt, — especially in 
the time of the Ptolemeys,— and with Cyrene, 
she seems never to have had much share in 
the commerce of the eastern part of the Medi- 
terranean : the competition here was perhaps 
too great, or perhaps she had not a sufficient 
number of colonies in this quarter; though her 
trade with the parent state, so long as that 
maintained its splendour, could not have been 
inconsiderable. To counterbalance this, Car- 
thage coveted the exclusive possession of the 
commerce of the western Mediterranean ; 
and although the jealousy of many powerful 
rivals in Massilia, Italy, and Sicily, prevented 
her obtaining it, she nevertheless bent the 
whole force of her policy to preserve her 
station among them ; and probably obtained 

ore by this means than by outward force 
er decided superiority over them* 

Sicily and Southern Italy were the first 
points to which her navigation was directed. 
Carthaginian merchants had settled in Syra- 
cuse, as well as in other Greek cities» whose 
harbours were always full of their ships'*. 
These fertile countries found Carthage the best 
market for their commodities, especially for 
their oil and wine, both of which they pro- 

* DioDoni». i. p. 67B. 



duced of an excellent quality«; and this the 
rather because the Carthaginians could advan- 
tageously dispose of the wine in Cyreue^ where 
they exchanged it for silphinm, a contraband 
articled Vineyards are mentioned as having 
been cultivated in some parts of ancient Africa«, 
and olives flourished, at least in the Cartha- 
ginian territory ; they were not however suffi- 
ciently abundant to supply the great con- 
sumption, especially of the armies, though 
they might perhaps have sufficed for the wants 
of the capital. Had Carthage ever obtained 
the entire possession of Sicily, this trade alone — 
would have indemnified her for all her ex-V 
penses : the immense wealth which it gave to 
the towns of Sicily and Italy is sufficiently 

That an active commerce existed between 
Carthage and the other nations of Italy, the 
Etrurians and Romans, is shown by the many 
commercial treaties contracted by them''. A 
great part of these related to the suppression 
of piracy, at that time carried on by all 
maritime nations, but particularly by the 
Romans and Etrurians. This not only in- 
creased the kidnapping of slaves, then in ge- 
neral use, but was so little thought of, that 
unless express treaties to the contrary had 

* Dtonouus, ij p* 606. 
'Strabo, p. ]m3. 
■ DioDoniis, U XX, ii, p. 41' 
•• AmiTOT» PoitU üi, cap. 6. 

ScvLiix» PetipL p. 55, cd Hudt, 


been made, it was not even regarded as an act 
^fef hostility. The Romans expressly engaged 
^Bn their commercial treaties not to plunder on 
^Khe coast of Carthage ; and the Carthaginians 
^engaged to spare the coast of Italy belonging 
to the Romans and Latins: they were not to 
retain the towns there not subject to the Ro- 
mans, although they had taken and pillaged 
them ; and prisoners captured could not be 
brought into Roman seaports for sale, as every 
free Roman had the privilege of reclaiming them 
as free persons*. So variously are modified the 
principles of national law in different ages. 

The Etrurians appear to have been in general 
rather pirates than merchants. But when 
their maritime cities are mentioned, it is not so 
much the cities of Etruria Proper as their colo- 
nies in the south of Italy that are meant. 
Etruria Proper never possessed any known 
harbour except Populonum ; all its great cities 
were in the interior, consequently, navigation 
could never have been its principal pursuit. 
This nation, however, had not only extended 
itself over the south of Italy, but also over the 
smaller islands in the Mediterranean. All 
their great expeditions, if we believe the ex- 
press testimony of Polybius, were fitted out 
from their cities in southern Italy''; and the 
little islands, especially those of Liparae, served 
as stations for privateering squadrons. 

' PoLYB. vol. i, p. 438. 
^ Ibid. i> |n lim. 

M 2 

164 CARTHAGINIANS. chap, r^ 

The articles of commerce which the Cartha- 
giniaas gave in exchange, were black slaves 
from the interior of Africa, who, from the 
earliest times, were highly esteemed in Italy 
and Greece ^ precious stones, gold, and Car- 
thaginian manufactures. The inhabitants of 
Italy bartered for these the product of their 
soil and industry, which have been already 

Malta, even in the times of Scylax, as well 
as the neighbouring islands of Gaulos and 
Lampedusa, was inhabited by Carthaginians", 
and had, even thus early, risen to distinction 
by its trade and manufactures. It was cele- 
brated in antiquity for the beautiful cloths 
which it produced, equally distinguished for 
their fineness and their softness''. As the 
cotton*tree is a native of this island ° it can 
scarcely be doubted that this was the material 
of which these fabrics were composed. They 
formed an important article in the trade with 
the African tribes. 

Lipara and the adjoining islands, were also 
soon brought under the Carthaginian yoke, and 


• Tehekt, Eumich, i, 2. 

" ScYLAX, p. 50. Gaulo* m> tht pnesetit Gozzo. 

» DtouoRvs, i, p. 339, 

** Three »arts of cnttOD srf now cultivated al MAlta : that of Siim. tliait 
of the Anlillcsl aoii the native. They are ntianuractiiieit on the i&liiDd. 
especially at tjo/.zo. tiUvlerti picttire of M^tltn, vol. iii, p. 9. The old 
capitd of Mi;Ii(a, Ihe present Citta Veechia \% id the oealre of the island. 
The woven good* of Carthage were ia general very celebrated • Poleiuon. 
A Greek, wrote a separale treatise on the subject : irtpi rCtv Iv Kap^fi^ovi 
jTfrrXwv« Ayiirx. *ii, p. 541. 



leir produce also helped to enrich their con- 
querors. Its most valuable article of commerce 
was resin, which was exported to many parts : 
upon this and the well-frequented hot-baths 
the prosperity of these islands chiefly depended. 
Diodorus informs us that on one of the smaller 
islands the Carthaginians, during the war with 
Syracuse, exposed a number of mutinous mer- 
cenaries to perish with hunger »". 

Corsica produced an abundance of wax and 
honey; its slaves were esteemed superior to 
all others''. 

The small island of iEthalia, the present 
Elba, was very early celebrated fur its inex- 
haustible stores of iron, whence the fable arose 
that the ores grew again'. It was refined 
upon the island in large furnaces, and in that 
state exported by the merchants, or manu- 
factured into various implements*. 

The Balearic islands, Majorca and Minorca, 
although their inhabitants were perhaps not 
entirely dependent upon Carthage, were yet of 
great importance to her commerce. The un- 
civilised natives, probably taught by the ex- 
ample of the neighbouring countries, refused 
absolutely to permit either gold or silver among 
them ; this, however, oflPered no obstacle to a 
profitable traffic being carried on by barter. 
Their indulgence in sensual pleasures made wine 

i» DioDOAVB, 1. c. n Ibid. 

' Ah]6tot. Mirab. p. 194, eJ. /iff /cm, 
• J>iouoiiu», J, p. 340, 




and female slaves always saleable among them; 
so that even the mercenary troops who sendee 
in the Carthaginian armies were ready at any] 
time to exchange their pay for these articles*. 
Fruit and beasts of burden, especially mules^j 
of which a very beautiful kind was bred herepj 
were their native product. The neighbourhood 
of Spain, only one day's sail distant, made 
these islands the best station for carrying on a 
commerce with that country, and of course 
increased their value. ■ 

That Spain, so rich in natural productions, 
was always one of the most profitable places to 
which Carthaginian vessels traded, that its 
mines formed one of the principal sources of the 
Carthaginian revenue, and that the intercourse 
maintained with the tribes of Spain, as well 
Phoenician as native, was of great importance to 
the republic of Carthage, has already been 
shown. The inhabitants of this country had 
attained just that degree of civilization which 
made them acquainted with foreign commo- 
dities, and led them to covet their possession, 
without having taught them the art of manu- 
facturing for themselves. The Carthaginians 
must therefore have found here a ready sale for 
their manufactures; especially as their con- 
nections, proved by the number of Spanish 
troops in their pay, extended over all the 

^ DionoRiB, i, p. 343, 344. He estimates the oatnbei of mliabit* 
anU at thirty Ibousand. The demand for female »laves wa» such, that the 
price of a woDian wiu iJirec or four times greater ihao that af a man. 




peninsula. Besides this, Carthage seems to 
have carried on, across Spain, a trade with 
the ruder Gauls; and in this way because she 
had not a single colony on their coast, and the 
Massilians would scarcely permit their vessels, 
except under heavy restrictions, to enter their 
harbours. The early intercourse of Carthage 
with Gaul is proved by the great number of 
mercenary troops which she had from that 
country, who, in the very earliest period, fought 
in her armies; and likewise by her jealousy of 
Massilia, which she so much wished to destroy. 
Their ancestors, the Phoenicians, had already 
opened the way for them beyond the Pillars of 
Hercules ; and they continued and extended the 
trade begun by these navigators. Respecting the 
boundaries of the Phoenician and Carthaginian 
trade so much has been written, conjectured, 
and fabled, that not only the judicious historical 
inquirer, but even the boldest lover of hypothe- 
sis, could scarcely add anything new. If indeed 
all the geographical obscurities could be com- 
pletely cleared up, it would still be impossible 
to separate the enterprises of the proper Phoeni- 
cians from those of the Carthaginians, beyond 
what a general determination of the time will 
allow ; since neither of these nations were dis- 
tinguished in ancient times by their proper 
names. This particularly applies to their navi- 
gation along the European coast ; the accounts 
respecting their exertions in the west of Africa 
are much more accurately determined. 

im CARTHAOINIANS. chap. v. 

The republic liad a number of colonies on 
the western coast of Spain, and maintained an 
intimate connection with Gades". This cir- 
cumstance alone would show that their ships 
were wont to visit the western coast of Europe, 
even if the tin and amber trade, in which they 
took a part, did not prove it beyond contra- 
diction. What I have to say on the subject is 
thrown together in the following remarks, in 
which I neither seek to contradict nor deiend 
the opinions of others. 

First, when we speak of tin we mean by it 
that metal, which among the Greeks was called 
cassiteros. That this metal was the same as 
our tin is a fact, which, according to the 
judgment of mineralogists, cannot indeed be 
denied, although it cannot be proved with 
scientific accuracy, as is also the case with 
many other productions of the ancient world, 
of which the classical writers have not given 
us technical definitions. When, however, we 
consider that the same countries which pro- 
duced cauitcros produce tin, but no other 
metal of similar value or quality, and that the 
little said of it by ancient writers does not at 
all contradict the supposition of its identity 
with that metal, there seems every probability 
that it really was such. The larther investiga- 
tion, however, of this question, does not belong 
to my subject, and I willingly refer the reader 

<" See «Uöv«, cUip. li, p. lOO, 




to another writer who has examined it with all 
the accuracy which the scanty accounts will 

Farther, this metal which I may now be 
permitted to call tin, was, according to the 
express evidence of antiquity, found in various 
countries of western Europe : first, in the north 
of Spain ""; secondly, in Britain; and again, in 
the islands called from it Caasittridts, which, 
though all the circumstances mentioned by the 
ancients do not agree, can be no other than 
the Scilly islands** I am ignorant whether 
tin is still found there; but in former times 
they produced not only tin but also lead', 
though they derived their name from the former^ 
of which they were the principal market; for the 
tin which was raised in Britain was carried to 
the small islands lying off the Lands-end, ac- 
cessible to wagons at the time of ebb tide^ 
That such small islands were the usual empo- 
riums and marts of the Carthaginians will be 

\ presently confirnied by another example. 

I Finally, with respect to the course of this 

^P » BiciM awn's Hulttry ij/ Invent iotu. Tt i« here first shown, thtt the 

I Latin lionnum may be diflerent from the »cö^rffiff/Hic* The rormer Is what 

I in the German smelliog houaes i» called wtrk, the Uiler is the plumbum 

ttthum of th« Roman*. Fliny» xtt'w, 17^ etc. The writer thinks it probible 

that cauitero» wi% tin, without tttempting itrictlj to prove it. Some 

chemical toqairy upon ancieDt works of an it is to be hoped will lead ui to 

I' certainty. 

f STRABO^p. 219. 

• MANNf HT. vol. i, p. 412. 
» Strabo, 265. 

b Djodoris, i, p. 347. He here mentiont the island Irtica; probably 
now become a pan of the raainlindt or may it jol neihaps be Brewn 7 






trade, we are told by Strabo, that in early times 
it was carried on from Gades by the Phceni- 
cia^s^ It seems therefore that the part which 
the Carthaginians at first took in it, was only 
that of carriers; though, from their usual man- 
ner of trade, and the extent of their navigation» 
it is probable that they sailed directly to the 
countries which produced this metal. Upon 
this particular, however, we can fortunately 
speak with certainty, as Avienus has preserved 
an account of it from Himilcon's voyage <*, 
The jEstrymnian islands (as he calls the Cas- 
siterides by their earliest, probably Phoeni- 
cian, name) abound in tin and lead. Their nu- > 
merous inhabitants are proud and ingenjous, I 
and devote themselves entirely to commerce, 
gliding over the sea in their frail canoes, formed 
not of wood but of hides. In two days sail 
from them is the mcrtd island, inhabited by the 
nation of Hibernians ; but the island of the 
Albioncs is close at hand. The Tartessians 
were the first traders to the iEstiymnian 
islands, though the colonies and the people of 
Carthage about the Pillars of Hercules navi- 
gate these seas : the voyage, as Himilcon 
informs us, taking four months ; he himself 
having attempted and proved it. This pas- 
sage throws much light upon the extent and 

•= SrnABo, p. 265. By Phopnicians we mmst here underiUod, as » 
shown b^v the context, CartliagiDian» and Gaditaci. 

*• F**Tira A viFM'$» Otet Manirma, v. US — 125 and 376,etc. Sf« a tritt** 
lütion in the Appendix« 




manner of this trade. It was principally the 
Tartessians, that is the Phcenician colonists in 
Spain, and above all in Gades, who performed 
these voyages. Carthage, however, and her 
settlements also, took an active part, and Himil- 
con himself had stretched his course» whether 
for trade or discovery, to the same place* It is 
easy to account for its takings four months, as 
we learn from his own narrative that it was a 
coasting voyage, and that the progress of the 
vessel was often obstructed by sea weeds, no 
one daring to stretch out into the open main. 
The Cassiterides, or Scilly islands, were cer- 
tainly the object ; but the intercourse with 
them comprised also the neighbouring Hibernia 
and Albion, the inhabitants of the Cassiterides 
frequenting those islands in their canoes. It is 
not however probable that the Phoenicians and 
Carthaginians failed to visit them. From what 
Strabo says, it may be inferred that an active 
commerce existed on the British coast, as he 
informs us that the manners of its native tribes 
ere rendered milder by their long and fre- 
quent intercourse with strangers; from which 
statement it is probable that the Carthaginians 
had settlements on the British coast, without 
which a long stay there would have been 
carcely possible. The commerce here, as well 
as in the Scilly islands, was carried on by 
barter. Earthenware, salt, and iron tools, 
were the commodities with which the mer- 




chants supplied them " : the trade, however, 
till the time of the Romans, was kept by the 
Carthaginians as secret as possible ; although 
they were not successfid in keeping away all 
competitors. The way which the Phoenicians 
found out by sea the Massilians found out by 
land, along the shore as far as the British 
channel ; and conveyed this metal, so much in 
request, ^cross Gaul to their own city on the 
mouth of the Rhone, a journey of thirty days*. 
The geographical statements of the ancients 
thus far, are so precise, that I really see no 
well-grounded objection to the above remarks. 
The case, however, is widely different when 
we approach the amber trade (ekctrum), A 
detailed inquiry into this subject would require 
a distinct treatise, which will scarcely be ex- 
pected here ; and even that could only end in 
mere conjecture. Every circumstance respect- 
ing it was so mystified by fable, that the whole 
has become enveloped in an obscurity which 
was never completely penetrated* even at the 
time when the clearest information was ob- 
tained respecting the tin islands. This fact 
alone shows that the country in which amber 
abounded, was more remote than that which pro- 
duced tin. It is however incorrect to confine 
this trade to a single place; as from the ac- 
counts of Pliny it plainlyappears that amber was 
a native of many countries or islands in the north 


* Stkabo, I. Ci 

' DioDo^tj, i, p. 348. 


of Europe : All the districts of Scandinavia 
were famous for producing it*. I see no reason 
then, though still confining ourselves to a coast- 
ing navigation, why that daring nation, which 
doubled the cape of Good Hope, and sailed 
from Tyre to Britain» might not also have 
reached the Samtandic coast, the native country 
of amber, as many traces, though certainly of a 
dubious nature, seem to attest. I dare not, 
however, attempt here the solution of this 
obscure problem of antiquity. He who endea- 
vours to elicit rigid historical truth out of fabu- 
lous geography, pursues a phantom which will 
always elude his grasp. The ancient river Eri- 
danus was entirely fictitious, and existed only 
in the tradition of the vulgar, and the imagina- 
tion of poets. I see not what can be gained 
whether we take it for the Rhine or the 
Raduna. Its name may signify either one or 
the other. 

The navigation of Carthage on the western 
coast of Africa has already been proved in 
the account of the colonies founded there. We 
have only now to consider its course, and in 
what manner the Carthaginians turned these 
colonies to advantage. 

The colonies of the republic known to us, 
reaching as far as the island of Gerne, were all 
planted on the coast of Morocco and Fez. A 
commercial intercourse with the neighbouring 

r Puny, iv, 13. Compare Dinoonus, i» p. 348. 




African tribes was the purpose for which they 
were all founded ; but the great mart was the 
island of Cerne. The merchant vessels ofj 
Carthage here anchored to unlade their goods ; 
tents were pitched upon the island ; and light 
vessels conveyed their wares to the continent. 
The inhabitants of this part of the coast were a 
dark, pastoral race, with long hair; remarkable 
for the beautiful symmetry of their figure; the 
tallest among them they elected as king. They 
delighted in finery, and were all expert riders 
and bowmen. The trade was carried on by bar- 
ter. The Carthaginians brought various kinds of 
finery for the women, and harness for the horses, j 
cups, large earthen vessels, wine, and Egyptian ■ 
linen. They received in exchange elephant's 
teeth, and hides of tame and savage beasts. 
There is even a town of this people mentioned; 
from which we may conclude that at least a 
part of them had forsaken the nomad life \ 

To these branches of commerce may be 
added, as we learn from another source, a 
profitable fishery ^ The fish was salted and 
conveyed to Carthage, where it became so 
highly esteemed, that its exportation \vas pro- 

Beyond this, said the Carthaginians, it was 
impossible to sail. The sea becomes so full of 

•• ScYtAX,p. 54. We«! th«ae Tiiariciil Every iiarücular agree» wilh 

' The speciet of fi.<h was callrd thynntu, i« ibe present system «w«M 
thunmti. Sec Arwtot. d« Mirab, cap. 148, wilh lJtcnitANy*«i note. 



shallows, and so covered with floating weeds, 
that navigation is obstructed i^. Can it how- 
ever be believed, that the Carthaginians stopped 
short on this poor coast, and discovered not the 
way to the rich gold countries which are found 
about the Senegal ? They could hardly indeed 
be blamed if their jealousy had been successful 
in keeping this secret from the world ; it has, 
however, been betrayed. 

Even Hanno's voyage of discovery, as has 
been already shown, extended to the Senegal 
and Gambia. But it was a mere voyage of 
discovery. The rudeness of the inhabitants 
prevented him from entering into trade. But 
that deep inquirer, Herodotus, whose thirst of 
information led him to discover so much, dis- 
covered this secret of the gold- trade. 

" The Carthaginians state," says he', "that 
they are wont to sail to a nation beyond the 
Pillars of Hercules on the Libyan coast. When 
they come there, they transport their wares on 
shore, where they leave tliem, and after kindling 
a fire go back to their ships. Upon this signal 
the natives come down to the sea, and placing 
gold against the wares, again retire. The Car- 
thaginians then again approach» and see whether 
what they have left be sufficient. If it be they 

* SCTiAX, ). c, Tfeese floating weeds,/»**?«« nutam. or aargotMt tre still 
foand, ia the manner described by the ancients, about ibe Canary islaDcli; 
and :imong them there ire xnuHly a great number of fifth. S«e Beckmai^n, 
as before cited. 

A HEROD-ir, c*p. 196. 





take it and depart : should it, however, not be 
enough for their wares, they again go back to 
their ships and wait ; and the other party 
bring more gold until the strangers are satis- 
fied. But neither party deals unfairly by the 
other ; for the one touches not the gold till the 
value of the wares be brought, nor the other 
the wares until the gold be taken away." 

Herodotus has frequently been accused of 
credulity till successive centuries have esta- 
blished his authenticity, and such is the case 
here. We certainly knew not till now his per- 
fect accuracy respecting this dumb trade ; 
which is proved to be carried on in the gold 
countries about the Niger. 

" The inhabitants of Morocco," says Hoest"*, 
send usually, once a year, a caravan to the 
frontiers of Guinea, namely to Tombuctoo, 
where they exchange tobacco, salt, raw wool, 
woollen cloths, silk stuffs, and linen of all sorts, 
for gold dust, negroes, and ostrich feathers. 
This caravan is composed of some hundreds of 
camels, the greater part of which carry nothing , 
but water, as on that side of Suz not a drop is ■ 
to be found for twenty days* journey °. They ™ 

"• HfiEST, p. 279. A mulunl ignorance of ihe language of lUc oilier azlion 
it the nülunl cause of a trade auch at tbii^. But a dumb trade, carrieil on 
merely liy ligti^f, b not very uacommon in the en^t. as we kam froic th« 
account of the great Tairs. m Arabia Felit. 

" 111» thai most terrible of all the caravan routes, which p;iMes orer 
that moat dreadful of all the Alric&n de&ert* Zuenzign» The C'arihagt 
seem not to have ventured across it. but to have preferred the dangen 
the »ea. 



report that the Moors enter not into the Negro 
country, but only go to a certain place on the 
frontiers, where one of each party exhibits and 
exchanges the goods, without scarcely opening 
their lips," Captain Lyon again, the latest 
traveller in this quarter, brings an account 
from the very heart of Africa in almost the very 
words of Herodotus. In Soudan, beyond the 
desert, in the countries abounding in gold, there 
dwells, as Lyon was told, an invisible nation, 
who are said to trade only by night. Those 
who come to traffic for their gold, lay their 
merchandise in heaps, and retire. In the 
morning they find a certain quantity of gold 
dust placed against every heap, which, if they 
think sufficient, they leave the goods ; if not, 
they let both remain until more of the precious 
ore is added \ 

The slight variation in these circumstances 
may be accounted for from the places not being 
exactly the same ; as the Carthaginians did not 
go by land, as the inhabitants of Morocco and 
Fez do, but by water. Can, however, proofs 
more conclusive be oftered of the connection of 
Carthage with those gold countries, her trade 
with which was perhaps much more important 
and profitable to her than might be inferred from 
the passage of Herodotus, To seek out and to 
keep secret the discovery of countries abundant 
in metal was also quite agreeable to the genius 

• ]Vdrr«iiiw, p. 149. 




of Phoenician policy. The danger of rivals and 
the desire of concealment being always pro- 
portioned to the richness of the country. 

The port of Gades must be regarded as the 
chief place, and as the new starting point for 
all these distant voyages, Gades was adapted 
for the navigation of the ocean, whose bound- 
less expanse seemed to dare the hardy adven- 
turer to the discovery of what lay beyond. 
Whether Phoenician or Carthaginian ever 
reached that point, whether one of their ships 
was ever driven to America, are questions 
which curiosity has often asked, and which it 
has answered according to its own fancy. But 
he who fairly surveys the character of ancient 
navigation, which, however extended, was 
always confined to the coasts, will believe in no 
intentional voyage across the trackless ocean : 
should however a doubt still remain, we have 
the evidence of a Carthaginian mariner and 
adventurer** : that 

Beyond the pillars lies an open sea ; 

It fitretchea tar, as Hamilcon has said ; 

Yet no one saw it, or guided his ship thereto ; 

but that they navigated the coasts to a very 
wide extent cannot, after the foregoing in- 
quiries, be doubtful. 




* F£3TUi AviEwus, Ora Maritimctf v. 380 — 384* 

t Ab his cfikmnis gurgilem esse intcrminum, 
Late paiere pelagusj extendi salum, 
Himilco tradit. NulJus hffic adiit freta 
Nullas carinas jsquor illud intuht. 



The Land Trade of Carthage* 

The navigation and maritime commerce of 
Carthage have hitherto aione occupied the 
attention of historians. But that this opulent 
republic carried on an extensive trade by land, 
and kept up an intercourse with the inner 
nations of Africa, seems not to have been sus- 
pected ; and yet it would have been a remark- 
able phenomenon if the active spirit of specula- 
tion which prevailed in this commercial state, 
had in this point alone been blind to the ad- 
vantages of its situation. 

Here, however, we advance into a region 
over which every thing conspires to throw a 
veil of the deepest mystery. Africa, in its 
interiory is the least known of any quarter of 
the globe, and, perhaps, fortunately for its 
inhabitants, will long remain so. Of the 
great empires which it contains, we know 
scarcely even the names ; and the numerous 
caravans which yearly traverse it have added 
little to our stock of information. 

N 2 




The caravan trade of Carthage seems besides 
to have been one of its state secrets. The 
jealous merchaats were so silent, that it re- 
mained concealed even from the historians who 
wrote upon Carthage. We cannot, therefore, 
venture to hope for more than scanty and 
obscure information : indeed, we must have 
been satisfied with bare conjecture if Herodotus 
had not discovered and betrayed the secret. 
He alone- conducts us across the deserts of 
Libya, from the Nile to the Niger, and thence 
to the dominions of Carthage, Before, however, 
we set out upon these journeys through the 
deserts, let me be allowed to premise a few 
remarks upon the internal trade of Africa in 
general, without which what follows could 
scarcely be understood. 

The commerce of inner Africa is confined in 
a great measure to commodities either belong- 
ing to the first wants of life, or else to those 
upon which men place so much store, in con- 
sequence of their seiTing as the standard of 
value, that they readily bid defiance to the 
greatest dangers in order to obtain them. To 
the first belong dates, salt, and what from the 
constitution of society in the ancient world 
was one of its principal necessaries,— slaves. 
To the latter gold in grains or dust. 

The ^lave trade, over which true philosophy 
in the present day has gained her latest and 
most glorious victory, is as old in Africa as 
history reaches back. Among the ruling nations 




on the north coast, the Egy ptiaus.Cyrenians, and 
Carthaginians, slavery was not only established 
but they imported whole armies of slaves, proofs 
of which will presently be given, partly for horae 
use, and partly, at least by the latter, to be ship- 
ped off to foreign markets. These wretched 
beings were chiefly drawn from the interior, 
where kidnapping was just as much carried on 
then as it is at present. Black male and female 
slaves were even an article of luxury, not only 
among the above-mentioned nations, but even 
in Greece and Italy; and as the allurement to 
this traffic was on this account so great, the 
unfortunate negro race had, even thus early, 
the wretched fate to be dragged into distant 
lands under the galling yoke of bondage. 

Salt is another commodity of the trade of 
inner Africa; and perhaps, as it is the most in- 
dispensable, it may be deemed the most im- 
portant. Salt-pits, it is true, are found on the 
northern coasts, but it is otherwise with the 
fertile and thickly peopled districts beyond the 
Hgreat desert, about the Niger, and to the south 
of that river. These are entirely destitute of 
salt either in mines or springs*, while nature 
has established immense magazines of this use- 
ful mineral in the great barren waste. These 
are sometimes in salt-lakes, which, dried up by 
the summer heat, leave behind a vast quantity 
of salt, covering extensive patches of the earth; 

• Leo, P* 260. DApptrt, p. 320* Prf»fmi»Vfg», etc. p, 237. 




layers, which 

sometimes in large beds 
frequently extend for many miles and rise in 
hills ; and sometimes, where these are covered 
by the earth, pits and mines are formed both 
of white and coloured salt^. The swarthy 
race, therefore, dwelling about the Niger are 
obliged either to fetch this commodity them- 
selves in numerous caravans, or it is brought 
them by foreign merchants, who take gold dust 
or other wares in exchange. A scarcity of salt 
often arises in Kashna and Tombuctoo, as a 
famine does in Europe. The price of salt at 
these times increases to such a pitch, that Leo 
Africanus saw an ass's load sold at Tombuctoo 
for eighty ducats ^ Thus nature compels man- 
kind to a mutual intercourse by endowing even 
the desert with articles necessary for human 

A third great article in the interior trade of 
Africa is dates. The tree which bears this 
fruit is one of the family of palms, and is 
well known as the date-palm. The fruit, which 
contains one single large kernel, has a sweetish 
taste, and is mealy. As we are acquainted 
with the bread tree, and its great use in the 
South Sea islands, we are the better able to 
comprehend the value of the date-palm : what 
the former is for those islands the latter is for 
a great part of Africa. Its fruit serves the in- 

»• HoRNJtMANN, p, 10, 20, 02. Liso, Afric. p. 224. Lvoh, TravtU in 
Ntvlhem Africa, p. 205» 211. 
«= Lio, p. 250. 






habitants in general for food ; in the ancient 
world as well as in the modern, it underwent a 
preparation by which it might be preserved for 
some time; out of its sap is made a liquor 
whose intoxicating power supplies the place of 
wine ; it serves also as food for cattle, and 
goats are fattened with its bruised kernels**. 

Dates however are not to be found in every 
part of Africa. The same bountiful Nature 
which gives her treasures to the sandy wilder- 
ness» has planted the date-palm in the midst of 
those habitable regions, where the barrenness 
of the soil prevents the growth of corn. All 
those countries bordering on the north side of 
the great desert between 29 and 26'' north lat., 
which the Arabians comprise under the name 
of Biledulgerid, as well as many fertile patches 
in the great waste itself, are the native districts 
of the date tree. In other places they are found 
fless plentifully, or not at alL Here however 
they are the necessary substitute for grain. 
Every year, in October, the great harvest begins, 
whose productiveness creates as much anxious 
attention as we feel a few months earlier for 
the corn harvest'. 

From these districts this fruit is carried over 

' Leo, (>• 31, 235. y^ccoriiing to more rectal iravelters, the pülnj wioe 
ti ool made of (he sap of ihe tree, but of it* fruiL Renvil, Espeditiün of 
Cvnt*. p. 120, Perhaps prei»afalion» of bolh ©jiist. 

• Leo, p. 31, who ii also my authority for ibc following sUlemeati, 
Hi» accounts are confitraed by the lalesl traveller». Ho hnem as n.Lvwn, etc. 
The date harvest however falls at very different limes in dtflereol yean, 
MiKUTOLi's TraitU, p. 39. 




the greater part of Africa, even as far as the 
Negro countries about the Niger, and the 
lands beyond that river. But above all to the 
inhabitants of the desert, where it is indis- 
pensable. These tribes form numerous cara- 
vans which journey to Bilediilgerid, where they 
exchange the produce of their flocks for this 
necessary of life ; while the agricultural Arab 
barters for it the superfluity of his corn. 

The last great article of the inner trade of 
Africa is gold, and particularly gold dust, or 
rather gold grains* It is not however, accord- 
ing to the common notion, collected in the 
sandy desert. Gold is only found in Africa, as 
in all other places, in the bosom of mountains. 
From these it is sometimes dug, though we do 
not know that any artificial mine- works are 
made use of; sometimes it is washed down by 
the violence of the mountain torrents during 
the rainy season, and when these have passed 
away it is separated from the sand by a very 
simple process ^ 

In the north of Africa, on this side the desert, 
little or no gold is to be found. It is the 
countries beyond it, and especially the districts 
to the south of the Niger, upon which this 
perilous gift is bestowed. And although com- 
mon report may have exaggerated the truth, 
the riches of the earth must here be immense. 

The gold countries with which we are at 


» Oe»cnflt(m de la Ni^tic, p, 140, Ul. 




present acquainted, and of which Bambuk is 
the most considerable, lie in the Kong moun- 
tains, a chain which stretches itself right across 
Africa. It appears highly probable that this 
chain abounds everywhere in gold ; as we 
can see no reason why its riches should be 
limited to one small district. But even in 
these countries, as in Bambuk, no artificial 
means have been adopted for working the 
mines*. The inhabitants understand no me- 
thod beyond the simple one of digging pits, 
which, without danger of falling in, cannot be 
carried lower than forty feet ; and although 
the treasures of the soil begin to appear at this 
depth, the principal veins must certainly lie 
deeper. Nevertheless the produce is consider- 
able ; and the quantity of this metal is so great 
among many of the inland negro nations that the 
common utensils of their kings are made of it\ 


f Retpccting Bambuk compaxe GoLDsniiy'i Fragmtntiofa Voyage in 
Africa* vol. i, chap. 10, 1 1 , where ftlio the attempts made, some time ago, in 
FraQcej. to procure these treaiures ar« described and examined. 

b •' A hundred miles inland from fort Miua is fouod a oegro nation^ 
tlie ÄTgtnxaifi, among whom gold is so plentiful that the doors of the king^s 
bouse are covered with it« and in the market the merest triße is bought for 
gold»** D«cr»p» de In Nigr. p. 142. These Argenlais, from tlie place of 
their abode, could be no other thaji ibe Aihantees (whose name is aaly mis- 
taken), witli whoai we are become better acquaiDted since Bow dick's 
MUiion* His account completely confines that of the Freocli work 
just quoted. Compare the brilliant i^pcctacle which the king and bis 
court ronned ttt his presentation ; where the sight is almost overpowered by 
the splendour and quantity of the gold, of which nol merely the ornaments 
but the ^aterparl of the Utensils were compsed. Bow dich '& MiMimi io 
Athantee, Bowdicli ako expressly confirms the fact, tliat in the market of 
Ihe capiul» Kumawi, the usual payments are made i» gold dust, p, 330. 




The eariy accounts respectiog them, which it has 
been usual to regard ai* exaggerated, have been 
completely confirmed by the latest travellers 
in their description of the Ashantees, their 
capital, and the court of their monarch. 

Gold dust therefore is the common payment 
which the Moorish merchants receive for their 
goods. This has always been the loadstone 
which drew them from the north of Africa; — 
this alone inspired them with sufficient courage 
to brave the terrors of the desert; — and the 
great attraction of this metal accounts for the 
high antiquity of this commercial intercourse. 

Nature having thus, by the distribution of 
her bounties, invited the nations of Africa to a 
mutual intercourse, has also, to a certain de- 
gree, prescribed the way by which it should be 
carried on. The great distance which the 
countries lie apart, the vast deserts and the 
hordes of robbers wandering about them, render 
travelling here altogether impracticable to single 
traders ; it is only in numerous companies that 
these perils can be overcome ; consequently 
the inner trade of Africa must always have 
been a caravan trade. But among the many 
consequences resulting from this particular 
mode of trading, there is one to which it ne- 
cessarily leads. I mean that of rendering it 
the affair of whole nations to an extent 
beyond what could take place in European 
commerce. The nomad life, and the pos- 
session of the camel^ an animal so particularly 


Stdapted for it, seem to have induced certain 
aations to devote themselves almost entirely to 
is trade, which they carry on partly on 
eir own account, and partly as mere car- 
riers. Great caravans are thus formed by 
them, in which whole tribes, or the greater 
portion of them, often take part. The civiiiz- 
ütion of these nations, and with thera that of 
inner Africa in general, has therefore, in a 
great measure, depended upon this trade» the 
importance of which, in this respect, will be 
more clearly pointed out in the portion of this 
work devoted to the Ethiopians and Egyptians* 
lis great staples, and the routes by which it 
bas been carried on, cannot, from the nature of 
the country, have been subject to many changes, 
t is reasonable to suppose that where the 
purse of a trade lies through immense deserts, 
le commodities to be transported will natu- 
lUy be collected in the countries on the 
rders, and the business connected with it 
1 there centre and accumulate. This suf* 
ently accounts for the fact that particular 
ricts in Africa» in spite of violent or gradual 
lutions, have always remained places of 
merce. The routes through the deserts 
Iso unchangeably fixed by Nature. Had 
ot inter|)osed in the midst of them fertile 
to refresh with their springs and their 
the wearied traveller, the difficulties of 
y would have been insurmountable. How 
a journey of several months have been 





performed when encumbered with a necessary _ 
supply of water; and where could be foundf 
beasts of burden strong enough to support this 
tedious journey? Nature however has so dotted 
the sandy wastes with these islands as at once 
to determine the resting places of the traveller, 
and to point out the routes by which this in- 
tercourse of nations shall be carried on. How^ 
ever surprising, therefore, it may appear, it 
will no longer seem strange that the caravans 
of Africa are still seen moving along the very 
same route that they have been in the habit of 
following for more than two thousand years 

The information which Herodotus obtained, 
and transmitted to posterity respecting the in 
terior of Africa, shows both the great extent o\ 
its trade, even at that early period, and the 
nations by whom it was carried on. Herodotus 
collected the materials for this part of his 
history in Egypt, the only country of Africa 
that he is known to have visited. The cir- 
cumstance of his computing the distances and 
day's journeys from thence, is a sufficient proof 
of this fact* That ancient country has in all 
ages been the rendezvous of the caravans from 
the western and southern nations; so that he 
could not here fail of opportunities of consulting 
Üiose Ammonians, Carthaginians, Nasamonians, 
and other nations of Libya, whom he often 
quotes as authorities for his statements'. His 

■ Htnoir. li, 28. J2; iv, 43, 173. 187^ 195, 196, 






general knowledge of Africa embraced the 
greater part of the northern division. He gives 
us an accurate enumeration of all the small 
tribes dwelling on the coast as far as the terri- 
tory of Carthage \ To the western part, after- 
wards called Numidia, or Mauritania, his in- 
formation did not extend ; although he was 
acquainted by name with the promontory 
Soloes, on the western coast of Africa'. But 
his knowledge of the interior is most deserving 
of our admiration. It comprises not only what- 
ever is most remarkable in the desert, the 
oases, and the tribes inhabiting them ; but it 
extends to that mysterious stream beyond the 
desert flowing from east to west, which, under 
the name of the Joliba, has been again brought 
into notice in the present age. The account of 
the first discovery of this river is of too much 
importance to the commerce of inner Africa for 
any part of it to be omitted here. 

** What I have hitherto related," says He- 
rodotus ™, who has just given a minute descrip- 
on of the course of the Nile above Egypt, *' I 
have heard from men of Cyrene, who told me 
they had been to the temple of Jupiter Amnion, 
and had a conversation with Etearchus king of 
the Aramonians, Among other matters they 
fell into a discourse upon the Nile, and upon no 
one*s knowing its sources. Whereupon Ete- 
archus observed, that certain Nasamones had 

^ UtnoB. iv, 16H, sqq. 
" Ibid, ii. 32. 

' Herod, iv, 43. 





visited him (these Nasamones are a Libyan race, 
dwelling on the [Greater] Syrtis, and a small 
territory to the east), and that when he asked 
theiti if they had anythin*^ to tell him respect- 
ing the desert, they gave him the following re- 
lation ; * that there had been among them some 
hardy youths, belonging to the most powerful 
families, who, having reached to man's estate, 
imagined various extravagant projects ; and, 
among others, elected by lot five among them 
who were to visit the deserts of Libya, and e 
deavour to see more than any who had go 
before them. The Nasamones went on to 
state, that the young men who were sent oa 
this expedition by their comrades, having well 
provided themselves with water and provision, 
first traversed the inhabited country ; after 
which they proceeded to the region of wild 
beasts, w hence they marched across the desert* 
travelling westward; that after passing through 
a large sandy region, and travelling many days, 
they at last beheld some trees growing in a 
plain; that going np to them, they tasted of 
the fruits hanging on the branches ; but while 
they were eating, some pigmies came up to 
them, smaller than men of middle stature, wh 
seized and carried them oft'. That the Nasa 
mones did not understand the language of the 
people, neither did they who were carryinj 
them off understand that of the Nasamones. 
These people accordingly took them across 
some vast marshes, after passing which they 




came to a city, wherein all the inhabitants were 
of the same size as those who had seized them, 
and black in colour : near the city flowed a 
wide riv er, the stream of which run from west 
to east; and in that river were crocodiles/ 
So far accordingly I have reported the words 
of Etearchus, excepting that he said, according 
to the account of the Cyrenians, * that the 
Nasaraones had returned, and that the people 
to whom they reached were all enchanters.' 
The stream flowing by the city, Etearchus con- 
jectured to be the Nile, which seems indeed 
the most probable/' 

The nation of the Nasamones, to which the 
adventurers who made this discovery belonged, 
was one of the tribes dwelling in the districts 
about the Syrtes, by whom, as has already 
been stated, the trade with inner Africa was 
chiefly carried on. This enterprise, therefore, 
is not represented as an expedition into a land 
together unknown. ** They had/' says the 
istorian, '* already undertaken many hardy 
adventures. But they still wished to see if 

I they could not go farther than any one had 
hitherto gone." It appears moreover evident, 
that although the number of real adventurers 
were only five, yet their attendants must have 

j been more numerous, so as altogether to form 
a small caravan. In no other way is travelling 

L possible in these regions. They are besides 
represented as being of the highest rank in their 


" ad 




nation ; and took, says the writer, a plentiful 
supply of water and food. ^ 

Their route lay through the inhabited and 
wild beast districts of Africa, which brought 
them to the desert. Traversing this in a south- 
westerly direction f*, they came, after many 
days' journey, to a cultivated land, inhabited 
by black men of diminutive stature, under the 
usual size'', who received them kindly, and 
became their guides. They conducted them 
through large marshy districts, to a city whosttfl 
inhabitants were of the same form as their 
guides, and were much given to magic. Near 
this city was a large river, certainly flowing 
from west to east. | 

It is evident from this account, that the 
Nasamones reached the Negro lands beyond 
the desert, and came to a negro people, who 
received them with the same hospitality, as 
these nations still show to their neighbours^ 
the Moors. Their swarthy complexion, aad 
their whole exterior, which so strongly mark 
them as altogether a different race of men 

■ The ejtpreaaion irpAf Zi^vpov, which Herodotu» uics, mean» a westerly 
diieclioii. But that ft must be understcKH] south- wtst here is evident, at 
otherwise they would &ot have entered at all mut tine interior of the givM 
desert. Perhaps diere Is still &ometbJrtg particular in the expression. Tbc 
great caravan road into the interior, from tlic cotinlry of the Naaamoccs» 
lies, u we shall presently ace, direclly south- It iecms. tlterefore, ibtl 
they wished expressly to lake another, namely a more westerly direcüoni 
that so they might explore the great weÄiem desert of Africa. 

* Not dwarfs» the writer does Qot aay so much. 










from the northern Africans, clearly prove this. 
We know from Mungo Park, that a belief in 
magic and amulets generally prevails among 
the negro nations; and even the account of 
their diminutive stature is confirmed by a belief 
still prevalent in Africa. The sultan of Dar- 
fur*s brother told Denon, the latest French 
traveller, that the inhabitants of Torabuctoo, 
are a very small and gentle people p, living 
on the banks of a large river ; and he was likely 
to be well acquainted with the fact, as there is 
a brisk intercourse between this nation and the 
inhabitants ofthat city, as they exchange with 
them the wares they receive from Egypt for 
gold dust and ivory. Mungo Park, as he ap- 
proached the Joliba, found the inhabitants 
under their fruit trees, — butter trees. The 
whole description presents the picture of a 
genuine African country. 

But the river flowing near their city in an 
easterly direction is certainly the most re- 
markable circumstance in the whole relation* 
Was it the Joliba? and were the Nasamones 
the first discoverers of it? And could a rumour 
of this mysterious stream, although its name 
still remained confined to the desert, have 
reached the ears of Herodotus, who noted it 
down, and he thus again becomes understood 
by modern discoveries ? 

P FfTt pHiU ft tioui. Denon, r'ovff^;« m Kgypte, i, |i. 309, The ad- 
dition ibat the river dow« towards the west is a mtstalte. The small stature 
of the Ethiopians is noticed by St o a no, \i. 1 176. h prohnbty guv« rise to 
the fable of the pigmies. 





rnAP, VI, 

Herodotus does not mention this river by 
name, but merely calls it a targe stream. We 
know now that there is no other such stream 
in northern Africa running from west to east; 
the Joliba is often called the s^reat stream •*. It 
is the first that a traveller would come to after 
crossing the desert; and the direction which 
the Nasamones took must have brought thera 
to it» Herodotiis's further description of it 
confirms this conjecture. A swampy district 
must be passed over before reaching it ; on its 
banks was a city; and in its waters are croco- 
diles. The Joliba flows through a deep morass 
formed by the elevation of the desert on the 
north, and the chain of the Kong mountains on 
the south. Like all other tropical rivers, it 
yearly overflows, and then covers the rich valley 
through which it holds its course with its waters. 
Hence it might form morasses and lakes» in 
which it is said to lose itself at Wangara. That 
the large towns of central Africa are built upon 
its banks is likewise certain; it was therefore 
natural to suppose that the Nasamones would 
be conducted to one of them. The fact that it 
contains crocodiles is also confirmed by Mungo 
Park, the modern discoverer of this river, who 
says they are frequently found in it, but are 

This account of Herodotus, in connection 
with other still more precise information, which 

1 MuNoo Paiik. 7V«iif/i» etc* p. 194. 
f Ibid. p. 219, 


^mhe collected respecting inner Africa« not only 
shows the existence of a commerce between its 
inhabitants, but likewise points out the nations 
^ by whom it was chiefly carried on. These were 
™ the nomad tribes between the two Syrtes; and 
even now the inhabitants of these districts 
chiefly form the caravans which traverse all 
Africa, as the accounts of the latest travellers 
inform us*. However, this did not prevent the 
Carthaginians from taking aa active part in it ; 
indeed it was carried on principally for them, 
and on their account. Even the number of 
slaves* which they bought, partly for their own 
use, and partly for exportation, is a striking 
proof of their ^eat share in this trade. These 
! not only performed the laborious parts of agri- 
culture, and of the public works, but also 
manned their fleets ; and where could the 
, Carthaginians so well procure them as from 
Httie very place whence the inhabitants of the 
^ftoasts of Tripoli and Tunis for the most part 
^procure them at the present moment? They 
likewise obtained the precious stones which 
bore the name of their city, from the countries 
lying in the interior": and that they them- 
selves took part in the journeys through the 
desert is proved by the fact of a certain Mago 


* AFriAw, vol. i, p. 378. The reaJer Deed only be retniode<i of tite 
hifrttiry of their servile war. 
^^ «• VU. ilwough ibe Garamaules, l«yond }«2a.ii, Steabo, p. 1192. 





having three times journeyed across it with n< 
other sustenance than dry meal ". 

But the national intercourse of Africa can 
only be seen in its proper light by an acquaint- 
ance with the routes by which it was carried 
on. We now know, from some of the latest 
writers and travellers ^ the routes of the prin- 
cipal caravans which yearly traverse Africa. 
We know that the northern half of this conti- 
nent is crossed in its whole length and breadth: 
from Tripoli to the Niger» to Kashna and 
Bornou ; and from Tombuctoo and Morocco to 
Cairo, Even the western Sahara, the most 
dreadful desert on the face of our globe, which^ 
swallows up nearly half the caravans, and foi 
three hundred miles contains not a drop 
water, has not proved a barrier to the courage 
of man stimulated by avarice". 

Just so was it in ancient times. What I 

^ Atubn. p. 44. Meal mixed with water is one of ihe mofit conown 
articles of food upon these journeys» Hobnemann, p. 7. 

' The compiler of The Proceeäing$, etc. Wilh Bruce, Browne, Miinp» 
Park. HomemanD, and the recent Hritisb travelterap Lyon, Denham« tic^ 
are here of great assistance. 

■ A description of it may be seen in Leo, p. 28, who himself periürise<i 
this journey; and a more modern account in Gray Jackson'» Aeeannt^ 
the Empire ff MtfroccQ^ 1809. From Fex to Toraljuctoo ia reckoned a fifty* 
four days' journey, eidusive of balling days. In the year 1806 b wbok 
caravan from Tombuctoo to Tafilit, coojiisting uf 2000 men and 180Ö 
camel«, perished for want of water. 1 cannot refrain from giving; ihi M' 
lowiof camvuö-legend from Leo. " In the midst of the desert are two 
marble monuments, to which Indition gives the following origin. A rich 
merchant met here a camel-driver, and begg:ed him to sell him a mp " 
water. They agreed upon the price, 10,000 ducata. Now, ho«vev«r. th« 
seller wanted it himself, and both perished of thirst.*' 





have thus far said will serve as a preparation to 
(ny readers for a journey, in which, conducted 
by Herodotus, we shall now accompany an 
African caravan. A journey of raore than one 
thousand eight hundred miles, through parched 
^andy plains, and everlasting deserts. I insert 
liere the whole of the remarkable passage of 
perodotus, only rendered intelligible by recent 
liscoveries, because every line is of importance. 
It is found in the fourth hook of his history 
fthap. 181 to 185, 

r **The above tribes that have been mentioned 
lure those of the Libyan nomads (which Herod- 
otus has just before enumerated), dwelling on 
lesea side. Above these, inland, lies Wild- beast 
ibya (Biledulgerid) ; above Wild-beast Libya 
a sandy ridge stretching from Thebes of the 
Egyptians to the Pillars of Hercules ; in this 
Ige, at the distance of about ten days' journey 
one from the other, are seen on the hills 
pses of salt in large lumps ; and at the sura- 
of each hill a stream of cold and soft water 
les forth in the midst of the salt. About 
springs dwell the last tribes towards the 
irt, and above Wild-beast Libya. First: 
lays' journey from Thebes are the Am- 
ns. who have the temple derived from 
n Jove ; for at Thebes likewise, as I have 
observed, the image of Jove is with a 
head. They have another stream of 
water, which, early in the morning» is 
arm ; more cool in the middle of the 



CtfAPi VI 

forenoon; and when it is inid-day, becomes 
exceedingly cold ; at which time, accordingly, 
they water their gardens : as the day wears, 
it loses its coolness till such time as the sun 
sets, when the water becomes luke warm, and 
continues to increase in heat till midnight draws 
near, at which time it boils violently ; when 
midnight is gone by, the water becomes cooler 
towards dawn. This spring is called the fountaia 
of the Sun. — ^Next to the Ammonians, after a 
ten days' journey along the ridge of sand, there 
is another hill of salt, like the Ammonian one, 
with a spring, and men dwelling around ; the 
name of this country is Aiigila; and to thisfl 
quarter the Nasamonians go to gather the dates. ^ 
From the Augili, after another ten days' journey, 
there is another salt-hill, with water, and 
abundance of fruit-bearing palms, as on the 
other hills. In this quarter dwell a nation of 
men, who are called Garamantes, a very 
large tribe. These people throw mould upon 
the salt, and then sow their seeds. From these J 
to the Lotophagi, by the sliortest cut, is a thirty 
days' journey. Among the Garamantes are 
found the kine that graze backwards ; they 
are obliged to graze in this manner, because 
they have horns bending forward, on account 
of which they walk backwards as they graze ; 
not being able to step forwards, as their 
horns would stick in the ground. These kine 
are, in no other respect, diifercnt from the rest 
of oxen, except in this and in the thickness and 

elf AP. VI* 


closeness of their skin. The Garamantes go 
in chase of the Ethiopian Troglodytae in four- 
horse chariots; for the Troglodytae are the 
swiftest on foot of all men that we have ever 
heard mentioned. The Troglodytae eat ser- 
pents and efts, and such like crawling things. 
They use a language similar to none other, for 
they shriek like bats. 

** At ten days' journey from the Garamantes 
i» another salt-hill and water; around which 
dwells a nation who are called the Atarantes; 
these are the only men that we know of who 
have no proper names ; for their name, as 
a body, is Atarantes, but there is no separate 
name given to individuals; they curse the sun 
when he is right over their heads, and use 
all kind of injurious language, because he 
scorches and harasses both the country and 
its inhabitants. 

'* After these, at the distance of another ten 
ays'joiirney is another salt-hill and spring; and 
lien dwelling round. Adjoining this salt-hill 
iS a mountain, the name of which is Atlas; it 
narrow, and round on every side; it is said 
be so lofty, that it is not possible to see 
|s top ; for the clouds never disperse from 
out the summit, whether in summer or 
nter. This mountain, the natives say, is the 
lar of heaven : and from it those people take 
ir name; they are, in fact, called Atlantes. 
y are represented as eating nothing that 
life, and as having no dreams. As far, 



CR Ar. Tf, 

therefore, as these Atlantes, I am enabled to 
give the names of the nations residing on the 
ridge, but not of any beyond them : although 
it extends as far as the Pillars of Hercules, and 
even beyond them. 

*' Every ten days' journey is found a salt mine 
(«ixif fUrakkiw)^ and a settlement of men. With 
all these people the houses are built of blocks 
of salt, for rain never falls in any of these parts 
of Libya; and, indeed, if it were to rain, the 
walls being of salt, could not stand : the sail 
dug up there is both of a white and a purple 
colour. Higher up, beyond this ridge, towards 
the south and midland of Libya, the country is 
desert, without water, without beasts, without 
wood, and without dew." 

Thus far Herodotus. — It is almost impossible 
not to see in this narrative the description of a 
caravan road, although none of his commen- 
tators has hitherto remarked it. I am coo 
vinced that the greater part of my readers w 
assent without farther proof» when they con 
sider our former remarks on the trade of inn 
Africa, and the manner of travelling the 
But to those who still require farther prooß* 
offer the following arguments. 

In the first place : The route passes in i 
whole length across deserts which can only tel 
travelled over by caravans, as in this niaaner 
only are they passable. It was by them alone 
that accounts could be brought to Egypt, where 
Herodotus collecled them. 




Again : The detioitions of the route are all 
such as are usually given of caravan roads: 
the distances are measured by day's journeys ; 
the resting places mentioned are those in which 
fresh water is to be found. 

Nor indeed does Herodotus conceal the 
sources whence he drew his information. He 
repeatedly appeals to the testimony of the 
.ibyans, whom he met with in Egypt, and 
^oni whom he collected his accounts respecting 
le interior of Africa*: that is, from the very 
persons themselves who j>erforraed these caravan 
mmeys, and who. without doubt, had at that 
ime come to Egypt in company with some of 
lese caravans. 

And lastly : The route pointed out by He- 
rodotus is the same, with very slight deviations, 
hich may be easily accounted for, as that now 
use ; a striking proof to those who are ac- 
[uainted with the little variation which takes 
dace in these commercial roads. 
Should it, nevertheless, be asked, how it hap- 
ins that Herodotus nowhere mentions these 
Tavans, I have no other answer to give than 
jcause he considered it as having nothing to 
lo with his object, which was only to give 
iographical information. Moreover, to per- 
►ns who have travelled much and seen much, 
lany ideas and facts become so familiar. 




that they are apt to presuppose a knowledge . 
of them in others, | 

Taking it for granted then, that this is a de- 
scription of a caravan road running through 
Africa, we have next to inquire into its nature ■ 
and direction. V 

It is plain, that the account of Herodotus 
contains the description of the commercial 
road between Upper Egypt and Fezzan ; like- 
wise between Carthage and these countries, j 
and probably still farther, even to the countries f 
near the Niger. Its course is traced from 
Egypt by the desert of Thebais to the temple 
of Ammon ; thence by part of the desert of 
Barca, and the deserts of the Harutsh raoun- ] 
tains to Fezzan ; and finally seems to be lost 
in the present kingdoms of Kashna and 

The first of these routes Herodotus describes 
from station to station; but notwithstanding the 
great certainty with which we can determine 
upon the whole, there yet remains some diffi- 
culties as to the distance of the stations from 
one another, which cannot be completely re- 
moved. They will, as the explanation of the 
separate stations almost immediately show, 
excite a suspicion that two of the intermediate 
places have been left out, although probably 
not by the carelessness of the writer, but 
rather by that of the travellers from whom he 
received his information. These persons en- 
deavoured, as it seems, to give such a regula- 








rity to the whole journey, that exactly at the 
eod of every ten days a resting place should 
be found, with something remarkable belonging 
to it. But it is only by minute commentary 
on the words of Herodotus that these assertions 
can be proved ; and this can be given the more 
easily as one of the latest travellers in this part 
of Africa has minutely described the very 
same route which is here described by the 
father of history ''. 

The place from which we set out is Thebes, 
the capital of Upper Egypt. This is the point 
finom which Herodotus reckons all distances, 
as well here as in other parts of his work, re- 
lating to places and nations in inner Africa. 
A decided proof that he collected his informa- 
tion respecting Africa in Upper Egypt. 

Thebes, in ancient Egypt, was therefore the 
rendezvous of caravans, jost the same as the 
new capital Cairo is at present. This change 
has necessarily occasioned some variation in 
the direction of the road through the desert, 
which now runs a little more to the north, in 
order to reach the latter city. 

The first station is the temple of Jupiter Am- 
nion. And now becomes explained the intention 

«> The journey of Horwemjinn, ihe only one wbo has hitherto travelled the 
vhoU of the way, only deviates a little from this route in consequence nf 
bitbavmg started from the present capital, Cairo, inslead of Thebes ; and, 
therefore, aA far as Aniroonium, be diverged more to llie north. The 
lalcat travellers, who went part of this route. Lyon, Caillaud, Edmonston, 
and Minutolij, wilt be meutioned in their proper pUcc. 



CHAP. rt. 

of this great oracle, and the cause of its m^ 
rious situation in the midst of a sandy waste, 
the terrors of which must have frightened the 
most hardy adventurer. The interests of these ■ 
priests would have taught them that the single 
adventurers who might haply arrive at their 
temple, would not aftord a sufficient compen- 
sation for the loss of the crowds of votaries 
whom the dangers of the desert deterred 
from such a journey. Now these difficulties 
vanish at once ! The temple of Jupiter Am- 
mon was not only a sanctuary but a resting 
place for caravans ; and its situation was 
equally convenient for those coming from the 
Negro countries as from northern Africa to 
Egypt. How many valuable presents must , 
here have been offered ? now by the curious ■ 
who came to consult the oracle ; and now by ^ 
the pious gratitude of the rich merchant, who - 
had either just commenced a fearful expedi- | 
tion through the desert, or coming from Africa, 
here saw himself near the end of a fortunate 
and tedious journey ? 

The re-discovery of this place, in several re- 
spects so remarkable, has been the favourite 
undertaking of several modern travellers; and 
their labours have not been in vain. Two of 
the latest have succeeded in reaching it. The 
first traveller who discovered the ruins of the 
temple of Ammon was Mr. Browne, and his 
accounts have been both confirmed and 



tended by Horoeiiianii^ Although accidents 
and the jealousy of the natives prevented both 
travellers from taking an accurate examination, 
they both agree in considering the present 
Siwah as the ancient Ammonium, The place 
accords in every respect with the ancient ac- 
counts, several of which also agree as to its 
situation*^. The reports of the latest traveller, 
who has not only been able to inquire» but also 
to make drawings and models, have put an end 
to all uncertainty. 

Ancient Ammonium is described not as a 
mere temple, but as a small state founded in 
common by the Egyptians and Ethiopians, and 
having its own chief or king*. Its origin and 
large population, are shown by the number of 
catacombs and the remains of mummies with 
which the neighbouring hills abound ^ The 
oasis itself is of moderate extent. The fertile 
soil, according to the survey of Minutoli, ex- 
tends about ten miles in length» but is nowhere 
more than three in breadth*. The present 
Siwah, consisting of four or five towns, the 
chief of which is called Kebir, is governed 
by its own sheiks or chiefs» It is only lately 

* See's Travelt^ p, 23, etc. and Hohnemank'» Jmrney. p. 18. 

* I here draw from the copiou& and accural^ rusearthea of RiL>fNtL« 
Geography of Herodolvt, p, &76, 

« Hrboü,», 32, 42. 

' Mjnutoli's Journey, p. 171. Their number i* much greater than 
has been supposed. Many are painted and covered wltii hieroglyphics» 
They bear entirely an Egyptian charmcter . 

t MinuTOLi. p. Be. 




thüt the present pasha of Egypt, who led an 
expedition against it, has forced it to pay tri- 
bute '•. The castle of the ancient princes is 
still remaining. Its present name is Shargieh; 
and a description and drawing of it will be 
found in Minutoli', From the entrance of the 
ancient temple, in a direct line, it is only three 
hundred and twenty paces distant; and its 
principal gate is exactly opposite. 

The ruins of the ancient temple the inhabi* 
tants sometimes call Birbe (temple), but usually 
Umebeda^, Thev lie about three miles from 
Kebir ; between the village of Shargieh and 
a mountain in which the stone quarries are 
still to be seen whence the building mate- 
rials were taken. The remains of the temple 
itself consists of two parts ; one, a sort of 
■pronaos, or antechamber, and the other an inner 
chamber, the proper sanctuary. The back 
south wall is entirely gone ; it is therefore im- 
possible now to give the original dimensions of 
the temple. Large it never could have been, 
though evidently larger than it is at present'. 
The construction, as well as the whole form of 
the building, agrees completely with the an- 
cient Egyptian. The walls are entirely com- 


»■ fn the year 1820. Misutuu, p, 93, 

' MiMUTüLi, p. 165, 167. And the drmwingTab. %i. fig. a.. 

" Minutoli, p, I65j lö7. What follows Js also bomowed from hici. 
See tbe anneEed plan. 

' ThiLl the mctent tcrople of Ammon was only of a modenUe ads« b 
shown hy Profeisor Toelken, the publisher of Minutoli, from «urieni 
author«. Minutolij, p. 169. See the ground plan &nd plates, vi^ x. 


|K>sed of hewn stones. The whole temple 
l^ilhin and without was covered with sculpture 
Mid hieroglyphics ; all of which, however, are 
in an equally good state of preservation"", 
he interstices between the hieroglyphics on 
ihe walls and on the ceiling were painted ; the 
|reen and blue colours are still bright. In 
^very part of the sculpture traces of the wor- 
^ip of Ammon are to be found, similar to that 
f Thebes ; even the procession with the 
red ark* The rest of the temple, accord- 
to the Egyptian custom was surrounded 
a wall, which separated the holy precinct 
m that which was less sacred. It was of 
nsiderable thickness and formed of square 
nes; it has now, however, almost entirely 
ppeared though its direction may still be 
early traced. It is only in the corners that 
e largest of the stones have preserved un- 
ved their original situation, and show the 
nt of the whole inclosure. Its length 
unts to seventy paces and its breadth to 
y-six, and the sides are pretty accurately 
ed according to the points of the compass", 
in this wall vestiges of a second are found, 
h render it probable that certain other 
tions were formed, of which however 
g father can be determined. 


toll hai favoured us vvith accurate copies of them ; ive are also 
[to hii learned pablisher Tor copious explanations of tlieni, to 
a devoted si» wlbole chapters of bis work, p. 100 — 162. 
ILI« p. I6tj. 



CRAP. vr. 


On tlie south of the temple, at the distance 
of a full quarter of an hours walk, arises, in a 
delightful grove of dates, the fountain of the 
sun, formerly sacred to Amnion. It forms a 
small pool "* about thirty paces in length and j 
twenty wide. It is said to be six fathom deep; I 
hut it is so clear that the bottom is seen, from 
which bubbles continually arise like those of a 
boiling caldron. The temperature of the 
water varies, it is warmer at night than in the i 
day, and about day-break is wont to smoke. It I 
is probably a hot spring, the warmth of which 
is not observed during the heat of the day, A 
small brook, which runs from the pool, unites 
itself soon after to another spring (Herodotus 
says that there are other wells of fresh water), 
which likewise arises in the palm grove, and 
runs towards the ruin, near to which it forms a 
swamp, probably because its ancient outlets 
are stopped up. The early and high cultiva- 
tion of the oasis is still shown by its rich pro- 
duce of dates, pomegranates, and other fruits. 
The date is the most cultivated, and is obtained 
in vast quantities and of very fine flavour. In 
favourable seasons, say the inhabitants, the 
whole place is covered with this fruit ; and 
the yearly produce amounts to from five to 
nine thousand camel loads of three hundred 
pounds each. The annual tribute 

• MiNVJTOLi, p, 96, 164. 
f Ibid. p. 89. 

CHAP, vr* LAND TRADE. 209 

paid in dates p. There is no want of cattle, 
though the camel does not thrive here, which is 

fcprobably owing to the dampness of the soil. 
The inhabitants, therefore, do not export the pro- 
duce of their land themselves; it is fetched 
from them by strangers'", and their existence 
depends now as it always has done upon the 
passage of caravans. Near this oasis Nature 

H^ias placed a large magazine of salf, which 

■irises in considerable masses above the ground ; 

Hthere are patches, above a mile long, so covered 
with this substance as to have the appearance 
of a field of snow ; out of the midst of these 

^ springs of fresh water sometimes gush forth. 

^pThe salt is excellent, and was much valued in 
antiquity on account of its purity. Every year 
on the very same day, namely, that on which 
the great caravan departs for Mecca, the inha- 
bitants begin their salt harvest. A chemical 
analysis of some of it, which has been brought 

Ilo Europe, confirms its superior quality*. 
I Though from all these circumstances Siwah 
jseems to be identified with the ancient Ammo- 
nium, yet a difficulty still remains; the distance 
of ten days* journey which Herodotus places 
between Thebes and Ammonium *. As the si- 


n MiNVTOLj, p,00, 91. 
' Ibid, p, 174, 176. 

• By profcÄS&r Jomk. Mikütoli, p. 179. According to this it is a 
compound of gy|jsimij witli from ten to twenty per cent of rock salt. 

Reknel. Gragraph^ nf Hermt. p. 577j gets over thiü difficulty by say- 
ing, that Herodotus only says to the territory of ttiC Ammonians« and not 
lempJe of Amman, But as the Ammomatts, according to all the 



210 CARTHAGINIANS. chap. vi. 

tuation both of Thebes and Siwah is known 
with certainty, the distance between the two 
has been determined, and is computed at 
four hundred geopraphical miles. Now as 
a day's journey of a caravan can only be 
reckoned at sixteen, or, at the most, at twenty 
of these miles, it is clear that not ten but 
twenty days, or double the time stated^ is re- 
quired for this journey. Should it however be 
still supposed that Siwah is not the ancient 
Ammoniuni, and that the latter must be sought 
for nearer to Thebes ". nothing will be gained; 
as the distance of the following station in that 
case will not agree, which now, as we shall 
presently see, tallies exactly. Under these cir- 
cumstances the conjecture almost forces itself 
upon us, that a station of ten days' journey has 
here been left out, by which every difficulty 
w^ould at once be cleaied up. This station too, 
may, with great probability, be precisely de- 
termined ; for the road from Thebes to Ammo- 
nium must necessarily lead towards the great 
oasis, El Wah\ where Nature has formed a 
station fit for caravans. That the usual way 
to Ammonium passes through this is also clear 
from another passage of Herodotus % where he 

infofmauon we have, only occupied the district tboul the tenpl^ or tbt 
oasis, of very moderate exienl, I see not what can be gained by this iwcu 

* Behoni thought ihat he had found it in the lesser oasif, hrst visited bj 
him. A'arrrtttp-», p. 40a, An hypothesis which since Mitititoli's joum«> 
requires no refutation. Bel^oni vra» a Iwld and successful iraveller. but 
no scholar. 

■ III, 26. STftAtiu, p. 1168, »aji the same. 






likewise fixes its distance from Thebes at seven 
days' journey. The great oasis, with its for- 
merly unknown monuments, is now rescued 
from obscurity, since Caillaud^ and Edmon- 
«tone' have visited and described it. It is 
formed of two parts, an eastern and western, 
which are in fact two diiferent oases, as a sandy 
tract of thirty hours lies between them. 
They are distinguished by the names of their 
principal towns ; that of the eastern, or pro- 
perly the great oasis, being El Kargek, and of 
the western, El Dukel. In antiquity they seem 
both to have been taken for one oasis*, the 
western at least is never separated from the 
.other traces of habitation ; and even remains of 
a temple, near El Amur, are still found between 
the two. Both are rich in ancient raomiments. 
In the eastern is the great temple Ei Kiirgc/i, 
for a ground plan and drawing of which we are 
indebted to Caillaud ^. In the western is that 
of El Ha(ljiü\ besides some otiier smaller ones. 
The distance from Thebes specified by Herod- 
otus, which is confirmed by Strabo, agrees 
exactly ; it likewise shows that the former 

T CjULtALD, Vityaf^t h COaih de Thehrn, Parii, 1813. 

« A Jotirnej to two of the Oases of Upper Egypt, by Srn AncriiiiALt» 
SoMONSTONE. I^»d, 1823. 

• Strado, p. 116B, only speaks of three oases in Tibya, the gieat, the 
lesser, and that of Ammoo. It is therefore clear, that he con^s^idered what 
is odled the westerly one as belonging to the great oasis. No other an- 
cient writer ha* disjoined them. 

•» Caillacu, plate xv — iviii. ; and Edmonstonr, plare vi. who also 
gives views of the other temple. 



reckoned according to the day's journey of th 
caravans. There were two roads which I 
from Thebes to the oasis ; one bearing to the 
north and something shorter, by Abydus, the 
other southerly by LatopoUs^ By the first 
Caillaud reckoned it to be forty-two, and by 
the other fifty-two hours to the principal place. 
El Kar^ek, which is without doubt the city of 
the oasis in Herodotus. The latter road appears 
to have been that mostly in use in antiquity, as 
from seven to eight hours seems to have been af 
usual day's journey for caravans'*; so that if 
we add one day's journey for the length of 
the oasis — and greater accuracy cannot well 
in this case be expected— the distance from 
Thebes to Siwah will amount to twenty days' 
journey, or twice the number mentioned by 
Herodotus, The great oasis therefore lay in the 
midst of the way; it still continues a station for 
caravans, not only for those bound to Siwah, but 
also for those pursuing a more southerly direction 
and going to Soudan and Darfur*. And if in its 
temples the worship of Ammon was establish- 
ed, as we have every reason to conjecture it 
was, perhaps that may account for this station 
not being reckoned; or it might have been 
omitted because it was considered a part of 
Thebes, for the great Journey through the de- 

CAiM.Airi>, plate X. and p. 46, 

• Caili 

*« H0RNKHAW>f, p. 150, 

4v^, p, SO. LoMoauTONE. p. 126. 




sert commenced from this place ; or, perhaps, 
because no strata of salt were found here as 
in the other stations. 

But in whatever way this omission may have 
arisen, there can be no doubt as to the fact; 
and we may conclude that Siwah is the place 
where stood the temple of Amraon, at which 
our caravan is arrived, in order, after a short 
refreshment, to proceed on its journey through 
the desert. 

Leaving then the lofty palms and the 
sacred groves of Jupiter Amnion, the last 
traces of vegetation and animated nature soon 
disappear. The southern desert of Barca 
opens its arid plains^, only interrupted by 
parched barren hills. For ten days this con- 
tinues, till at length the date groves of Augila 
appear, and the wearied caravan again lands 
on one of those fertile islands, which Nature 
has sprinkled with so sparing a hand over the 
,&andy ocean of Africa. 

Augila is a well-known name both in ancient 
and modern geography. It is at present the 
capital of a district which comprises two other 
villages ^ Hornemann reached it from Siwah 
after nine long days' journey \ which, if we 
reckon them as ten common ones, confirms 

' Hornemann gives a de&cripUoa of the mute, p. 36, etc. 

K Mojabra and Meledibt Hornemawn, p. 4Ö. 

•» HomK»MA%'N, p. 46. The caravan tnivelkd durifig two whole nighti j 
men and beasl« were quire exhaiuisted, p. 45. The Arabian geographerK 
estimate the distance at tea day a' journey, p> 154. 1 1« rodotuä's statement 
ibefefore, is ihe ono usually curreul to Africa. 


what Herodotus states to be the distance be- 
tween the two stations. Augila owes nothing 
to its size, nor is their anything remarkable 
about it; but it is principally known as being 
the great thoroughfare for caravans, which still 
touch at it in their route from western Africa 
to Cairo', Even in the present day a portion 
of the inhabitants devote themselves to the 
caravan trade\ Besides this, Augila is a princi- 
pal mart for dates, which have always been 
found here of an excellent quality and in great 
abundance'. Herodotus expressly remarks, 
that the Nasamones in the Regio-Syrtica annu- 
ally made a journey to this place in order to 
purchase a supply of this fruit". In like man- 
ner the Arabians of Bengasi now carry, yearly, 
their wheat and barley to the same regions for 

vVll this is confirmed by the accounts which 
Minutoli collected from some Augilians who 
had fled to Siwah*". According to them Au- 
gila is ten days* journey from Siwah ; and] 
between three and four miles long, and two! 
broad. It contains only two villages. The 
inhabitants carry on a trade with the caravans 

' Leo> p. 246. Prtwtdingt, tic. p, 289. 

* HomwEHAKW, p. 44. 

* Lto, 1. c. Prüeeeding$, ttc, p. 2B9. 
» Hriion. IV, 182. 

** HoRTirEjiA>i?(r, p. 46. See also p. 179. 
^ Minutoli, p. 172. Half the inhabitants had fied in order to earAM 

the tribute which the governtDcnt of Tri|>oli wished to tmpofie Qpoa thoo. 
and hud set up ihth dwellings in the catacombs of Siwah. 




which pass through, and frequently take a 
part therein as camel drivers or merchants, 
as they possess many camels. Augila pro- 
duces nearly double the quantity of dates that 
Siwah does. In this manner is the testimony 
of Herodotus again confirmed. 

But who will now direct us to where the 
Garamantes dwell ; whose territory, rich in 
springs of fresh water, becomes the next point 
of our journey ? What direction shall we take 
without the fear of losing ourselves in the 
desert ? 

The name of Garamantes alone does not suffi- 
ciently indicate their abode. It is one of the most 
comprehensive of ancient geography, and signi- 
fies a widely extended people of inner Africa, 
from the Land of Dates to the Niger, and east- 
w^ard as far as Ethiopia^. Herodotus is there- 
fore perfectly right in calling them a very large 
nation. But it still remains to be determined 
where his Garamantes were situated, and the 
father of history has given us sufficient parti- 
culars to do it satisfactorily. 

The Garamantes, he tells us, dwell towards 
the south, above the Psylli ; and from them to 
the Lotophagi, by the shortest route, is thirty 
days^ journey ''. 

These two particulars point out with suffi- 
cient accuracy the country which we must make 
our next resting place. The Psylli, according to 

P C*tJ.AH. Geagr. Ant. ii, p. Ö44. 

'I UcROo. iv. 174 ajid J83 




the precise statement of Herodotus', dwelt in the 
midst of the Syrtes* territory, about the present 
Mesurate, between the Lotophagi and the Na- 
samones r this latter nation took possession of 
their country, after they, or, what is more 
likely, only a part of them» had been destroyed 
in an expedition which they undertook to procure 
water. This particular specification of the route 
leads us to the present Fezzan, the ancieol 
Phazania, the first inhabited country which is 
found southwards beyond that district ; but the 
second statement, that it lies thirty days' 
journey from the Lotophagi, leaves us without 
the shadow of a doubt upon the subject* The 
seat of the Lotophagi, as we have shown 
above*, was to the west of the Psylli, extend- 
ing from Tripolis to the Lesser Syrtis. Now, 
by taking the centre of their country and Zuila, 
the usual station of the caravans coming from 
Egypt (not far from Genua, the capital of the 
ancient Phazania), as the two probable ex* 
tremes of the journey, we have at once the 
number of day's journeys required, as will be 
very clearly shown presently, when it will be 
necessary to give a more accurate descriptioQ 
of this route. 

Upon Fezzan, the ancient country of the 
Gararaantes, much light has been thrown 
within these last few years. Hornemann, in- 
deed, resided there for half a year, but his 

MV. 173. 

See above, p. 48. 


Narrative does not extend to the southern part 
of the country, which he did not see till after- 
wards. This part, which is of most importance 
to us, was first visited and described by Captain 
Lyon. Fezzan is not to be regarded as a small 
oasis, but rather as a district of considerable 
magnitude, being in length about four hundred 
miles from north to south, and from about two 
hundred to two hundred and fifty in breadth. 
The question then arises where are we to seek 
for the station of which Herodotus speaks, and 
where are the features he describes to be 
found ? 

In this case we again find, that the station 
of the ancients was the same as that of the 
caravans arriving from Egypt and Soudan in 
the present day, namely, as we learn from 
Hornemann and Lyon, the city and territory 
of Zuila, not far from the eastern boundary 
of the country, and therefore the natural 
place to rest at. The latitude of Zuila is 
settled by Lyon (who took the sun's altitude) 
to be 26** 1 1' 48" north. The longitude, ac- 
cording to Rennel, is 16° 50', Greenwich*. 
Not far from Zuila, near Trahan, springs 
of sweet water arc met with, the only ones, 
as Lyon assures us, to be found in Fezzan " ; 
in other parts it is only found at from twelve 
to twenty feet below the surface; and in 

I Narrative, p. 21&, Reanel bas placed it upon his map alrooül a 
degree farther to ihc norüi. 

• Theie are three of them ; Narrative, p. 270. 



the neighbourhood of Mafen there is a curious 
plain of salt earth extending above twenty miles 
from east to west\ Zuiia lies at two good 
days* journey from Mourzouk, the present 
capital ; and at scarcely one, according to 
RenneFs map, from Germa, the ancient one \ 
Thus everything here agrees with the situation 
mentioned by Herodotus. The district of Zuila 
and Germa, moreover, was formerly the chief i 
seat of the trade which has now moved to m 
Mourzouk ; and indeed so much so, that even 
yet the trade of Fezzan is called in central 
Africa, the trade of Zuila*, 

But a difficulty arises here in Herodotus's 
statement similar to the one already remarked 
between Thebes and Ammonium. The dis- 
tance from Augila to Fezzan is too great for 
the journey to be performed in ten days. The 
caravan with which Hornemann travelled, not- 
withstanding their day's journeys must have 
surpassed the ordinary measure, took sixteen 
days in going to Temissa, the first village ia 
Fezzan ; and still one more before it reached 
Zuila. But the Arabian geographers reckon it 
twenty days* journey from Augila to Fezzan, 
which seems to correspond with the usual 

* Narrative^ p, 257. il re<iembles Ihe rough and irregular lava of Vesu« 
vius. A poor patli has wilh much difüeuLty been cut aud worn through it 

f I.yoQ places Gcrma muvh farther to the Dortb-easl oa his map, bill 
withoiii nny found fitian. He did not visit it himself. Heuticl io bi» 
(teographrt of Itermlctta, p. 615., ha» stated Ins, TeaM)n». 

• HOENEJÄAWN, p. 69. 


course of the caravans*. Here then the case is 
exactly the same as in the distance between 
Ammonium and Thebes ; that is, it amounts to 
double what Herodotus states it at. As, how- 
ever, there can exist no doubt respecting the 
position of the two extremes, Augila and 
Fezzan, recourse must again be had to the 
conjecture, by which alone the difficulty can 
be cleared up, that a station may be found 
between them ; and this is rendered more pro- 
bable, by the existence of Zala, a station which 
the Arabian geographers place midway be- 
tween Augila and Zuila, at ten days' journey 
from each ^ Hornemann reached the watered 
and fertile valley in which he reposed on the 
ninth day of his strained journey; but the 
course w hich the caravans pursue, lies through 
the southern part of the valley; so that the 
town, or at least the place where it lay, for the 
nanue itself seems to be lost, was perhaps half 
a day's journey to the north '\ 

But whether this or some other solution may 
be adopted, the route which our caravan must 
follow, in neither case remains doubtful ; we 
are certain respecting the object of the journey. 
Our progress hitherto has been almost en- 

* Hahthank, Geagr. Edriiii, p, 168. Proceedings, p. 197. 

^ Kdbi3[| 1. c. Compare Renael's map, lIornemaDn's route; upon 
whk'H the situation of Zala and its dil^oiice from both Ktatioos iiaccurtitel/ 

« Tbe fertile valley which he describes, p. 55, is undoubtedly the valley 
of Zala, though he has not named il. 

'* Not only Hornemann, but even Hadgee Abdallah, wu ignofanl of it t 
Procrtdingit p. 197. 




tirely in a westerly direction, it now becomes, 
as we penetrate deeper into central Africa, more 
southerly, still, however, with a bearing towards 
the west. 

With renewed courage and strength we now 
quit Augila. Its groves of palms are soon 
left behind, and the vault of heaven, and the 
plains of burning sand, arc the only object» 
which the eye can reach*. No sound of ani- 
mated nature, nor the rustle of a leaf, breaks 
the everlasting death silence of the dreary 
waste* Suffocated birds point out the path of 
the fiery simoon, and perhaps, only yesterday 
fell its victims; the heavens seem to glow, and 
volumes of sand, whirling upwards into spiral 
columns, are chased by the wind, like clouds of 
mist, athwart the dreadful desert^ And though 
the fruitful valley of Zala seem to promise a 
more smiling region to the weary traveller, hope 
is soon turned to disappointment: the mo&t 
desolate of all wastes, the Harutsh mountains, 
still lies before him, and demands another ten 
days' journey ere these terrors can be over- 

• HonN£MAN!«r, p. 51* 

' Thoäo who would wish to see a more particular account of this drean^'W 
pUcnciiicDon of the desert^ may compare Bhuce, i\\ p, 564, and /'nvttM' : 
|i. 19.S, Lyoa gives us, from his own experieiice, the picture of acv*i>> 
furprl»ed liy a siiuuon» Trateh in J'ftürthern Africa » p. B6, 94, pllü?* 
The death silence of the deftcrt also appeared oio&t dreadful to ^ 
** Nothiog can he mar^ awful than the stilliie^ which prevails, 1 1»^ 
often wa^lk«;) so far from the caravans in the ni^t as to be beyosd ^ 
noise made by the camels or horses, and have cicpcrieaced a seusttioat 
ntn unable to dcscrihe, as 1! felt the wiad blow past Uio, and h«feid ^ 
Aouod whiih my tigiire caused il In make, by arresting ils progf«st.'* p.^*** 

CHAP* Vf* 






come*. Then the gigantic ostrich reappears, 
troops of playftil antelopes disport beiore him, 
and announce the vicinity of more hospitable 

Thus we reach Fezzan, or the country of the 
Garam antes, of whose inhabitants Herodotus has 
told us several remarkable particuUirs. They 
practise agriculture, since, as he tells us, they 
obtain earth from salt. The soil of Fezzan, 
according to Lyon, is in general sandy and 
barren. It is only by the help of manure that 
a forced produce is raised*. That salt, there- 
fore, is to be understood in this place, must no 
doubt be admitted ; and the great salt plain of 
Mafer proves that there is plenty of it. No- 
thing, therefore, hinders Herodotus's account 
om being taken in its most literal sense. 
Should this however be doubted, the Narrative 
of Lyon offers still another, and perhaps more 
robable, explanation: for Fezzan, according to 
im, is in some parts very abundant in white 
lay**. In order to render the soil more produc- 
ive this is mixed with sand, as it is wvith marl 
n many parts of Europe, It is unnecessary to 
bserve how easily ignorance or carelessness 
ight confound this white clay with salt. 
Respecting the kine with horns bending for- 

S The desolate mounlainSj in i^hicli nature ap[»ears cDliiely Vifeless, are 
tivided into the black and white, uod were fmi ile&cnbed by Ifomemann. 

te black were knowu to the Ronians by ihe aaiia* Qfmoni uter, Pljn v . v, ö. 

fc Pntetedingi, I. c. llonNtMANN, p. 55. 

» Narrative, p. 271. 

<i Stirratne, p. 272. If it weie iiol Ibc completely white, bul the gray 
tlay, the mi&take might have occurred ilill more easily« 




CHAF. Tl. 

ward, I have in vain sought fur some explana- 
tion in our writers on natural history. Fezzau 
contains, according to Lyon, three difierent 
species of the buffalo ' ; the wadan, an animal of 
the size of an ass, having very large liorns ; the 
bogra d weish^ which is a red buffalo with large 
horns, and about the size of an ordinary cow; 
and the white buffalo of a lighter make ; but of 
kine with horns bendintr forward he makes do 
mention. They were better known, however, in 
antiquity, Alexander of Myndus, a celebrated 
naturalist, has minutely described them'"; but I 
doubt their having formed a distinct species- 
The neatherds of Africa frequently amuse them- 
selves in giving an artificial form to the horns 
of their cattle, by continually bending them*. 
This was probably the case here; and thisi 
an early conjecture of mine, has been since con- 
firmed by a monument. In the procession iipoo 
the great bas-relief of Kalabshe» for an ac- 
curate drawing of which we are indebted to 
Gau, among the presents brought to the kinf 
appear two yoke of steers, with horns not of 
a natural, but evidently of an artificial shaped 
one being bent straight forwards, the other back- 
wards. Whether this was done in mere wan* 
tonness. to make them move backwards when 
grazing, or as perhaps they were driven in ad- 
ance of the army (as they now are by the Caf- 
fres), before elephants were tamed and brought 

• Aatratüf, p. 7Ö. "' Aiuen. p. 221. 

» Like thü rutFres. lUuiiow , JJmr^/*i. nj the Lap§, elc. |i. 130, 





I the wars, in urder to make ihem attack 
ire furiously at the first onset» I cannot de- 
bine*'. The extraordinary thickness and 
puess of their hides, mentioned by Herod- 
1^, is also noticed by modern travellers in 
ir description of African cattle'^. 
fhe hunting of men, in which the Garamantes 
'said to have taken delight, scarcely requires 
explanation. ** They are wont, says He- 
jDtus, to hunt the Troglodyte Ethiopians in 
r-horsed chariots*" These Ethiopians seem 
liave been a wild negro race, dwelling in 
'es in the neighbouring mountains, who were 
capped by the Garamantes to be sold for 
^es. And the latest accounts respecting Africa 
bw, even upon these statements of Herodotus, 
feally astonishing though melancholy light'. 
I'he mountains, of whose inhabitants we are 
W speaking, belong to the Tibesti range, 
%nd at some days' journey to the south of 
tezan, in the deserts of Borgoo. These are in 
t present day inhabited by the Tibboos, most 
obably a branch of the ancient Libyan race. 
|e Tibboo Raschade, or Rock Tibboos, still 
rell in caves. But the old inhabitants of this 
tintry, among whom the Tibboos have settled 
imselves by force, were negroes ; and even 
present the inhabitants of Bilma are mostly 
ffoes, or of a black colour ; and the historian, 

S* MlHMOL, AfrtqUft 1, p. 02« 
"I HoHNEUAMIj p. 127. 

' Narrative, p. 2Cl. 

224 CARTHAGINIANS. chap. ti. 

therefore, is fully justified in describing them as 

The hunting of the human race is indeed so 
little out of use, that the sultan of Fezzan still 
carries it on annually, substituting, however, for 
four-horse chariots, a body of cavalry and in- 
fantry. While Captain Lyon was there, an ex- 
pedition of this kind took place under the com- 
mand of one of the sultan's sons, and the 
father wept tears of joy when he returned from 
the Grazzk, for so is this expedition called*, 
with one thousand eight hundred prisoners, 
composed of old and young men, women, and 
children. In this respect then Africa has always 
remained the same. Beside this, a trifling cir- 
cumstance mentioned by Herodotus, respecting 
the language of these people, is confirmed in a 
manner we could hardly have expected. ** They 
have no language like other men, says he, but 
shriek like bats/*^ — ** When the Augilians speak 
of these tribes," says Hornemann, ** they say 
their language is similar to the whistlinj 

In another place, and upon another occasioi 
Herodotus says of these Garamantes, that the] 
fly the society of men, and shun all intercoun 
with them : they are entirely without warlil 
weapons, and know not how to defend them- 
selves". It is plain that this can only be un- 
derstood of a single tribe, who dwelt in some 

■ Karrativet p> ^^^, etc. ' Hormemavn, p. 143. 

* Hkkod. iv, 174. 




out of the way corner of the desert, lying at a 

distance from the route of the caravans. It is 

almost impossible to picture more briefly and 

accurately the timidity of these poor creatures, 

who take every stranger for a robber, than is 

here done by Herodotus. A similar picture, 

but drawn in still more lively colours, is given 

us by Leo of Africa, in his Narrative, of a com- 

j pany of merchants, who, missing their way, 

I unexpectedly fell in with a horde of this de- 

tacription*. Should we seek for another in the 

^present Fezzan, it may be found in what Cap- 

[ tain Lyon states respecting the poor inhabitants 

Hpf the village of Terboo\ 

Thus have we traced with certainty the route, 
which led from Upper Egypt to Fezzan, and 
identified it with that now in use. But in 
oing this we have almost forgotten Carthage. 
t is apparent, however, that these caravans 
ere almost entirely composed of her sub- 
cts; Herodotus, moreover, has given us a 
int, which at once leads us to turn back, and 
lainly points out the road by which they jour- 
eyed from the territory of the republic to Fezzan^ 
therefore claim the indulgence of the reader 
say a few words on this, before I attempt 
trace the two still more distant stations of 
the Atarantes and Atlantes. 

■ Lto, p. 246. Honiemann*s account of the poor inhabitants of the 
, village of Ummesogeir^ who, b«ing peaceable and weak, chose rather 
trust to th« protection of their sanctuarj than to take up ajms, may 
»rve hA an example. Uorkkxann, p. 143. 
1 h'aiTamt. p. 220. [Or the Ui^4trn TmvtUfft Africa, ii, p. 190,] 



When Herodotus mentions the Garamaotes, 
he states, that ** from them to the Loiophagi, by 
the shortest way, is thirty days' journey','' 
This remark contains sufficient information. 

The seat of the Lotophagi has been ascer- 
tained to lie in the neighbourhood of the present 
Tripoli ; between it and the Lesser Syrtis, A 
journey, therefore, southwards, into the interior 
to the Garamantes, would lead us, according to 
the latest English accounts» exactly along the 
same line of road by which the caravans now 
go from Tripoli to Fezzan, and from this city 
still farther into the negro countries. Horne- 
mann performed this journey, though not with 
a caravan, and deviated from the usual direc- 
tion. Thanks, however, to Captain Lyon, we 
have a complete description of the route*. 

The usual route from Tripoli runs at first 
along the coast beyond Lebida, the ancient 
Leptis Magna, not far from Mesurata. From 
this point it turns directly towards the south. 
Great Leptis, therefore, was the staple town 
for the caravan trade; its extensive remains still 
bear witness of its ancient splendour^. It is here 
that persons arriving from the interior catch t 
first glimpse of the sea; and those who jouroej 
towards central Africa take their leave of it, as 
it is no farther visible. The first place on tk« 
road is Bonjem, on the northern boundary of 

* Hkroo. iv, IBG. ' Narrative^ chap, viii^ Ix, p. 290'-^4> 

** Tbe ramaius of the wsillls, pilltrs, etc, are in the i^igaoüc »tyle. X*^ 
ratift, p. 337. 




Fezzan, 30j« N. Lat. ; the next is Sockiia 29« 
S'; farther on is Sebha 2T 2\ and next is 
Mourzouk, or Zuila, the distance being the same 
to each. The road lies partly through the 
desert ; but travellers never provide water for 
more than five days, as there are several 
fertile districts on the way. This route, there- 
fore, seems appointed by nature, for on both 
sides, to the east and west, are uninterrupted 
wastes. It was also the ancient route. 
Should any one question it, the exact agree- 
ment of the time stated by Herodotus, with 
that of Captain Lyon, will conviace him. 
He departed from Mourzouk the 10th of Fe- 
bruary, with rather a small caravan, consisting 
of loaded camels and slaves, which w^ere joined 
by others on the way. His day's journeys 
were, therefore, of the usual length of the 
caravans. On the 17th of March he came in 
sight of the Mediterranean, between Lebida and 
Mesurata, in the country of the ancient Loto- 
phagi. His journey therefore took up thirty- 
six days, six of which he halted at Sockna, and 
which being deducted from the w^hole amount 
leave thirty, exactly the number stated by 

We have therefore now shown that the route 
from the country of the Lotophagi, and like- 

« Hornemann performod the wliole of the journey from Moöriouk to Tripoli 
«ti fifty-one Jays. Uis aiaiemeni, however, cannot be takeo as a rale ; as 
**^ himself remajk» that ha joumey*d very Ui^uiely j aod the uumtier of 
**^ltinE day», which he bas not mentionLnL are included, 



wise from Carthage, to Fezzan in the interior 
of Africa, was a common and well-known route, 
respecting which, and that from Upper Egypt 
to the same place, no doubt can remain. The 
routes, however, described by Herodotus, do 
not end in the country of the Garamantes, 
though they meet there. He carries us still 
twenty days' journey farther, to the seat of the 
Atarantes, and finally to the Atal antes, where, 
as he himself confesses, his knowledge ends. 
Thus far we have been able to follow bim^ con- 
ducted by modern travellers who have trod 
exactly in his footsteps. Now, however, these 
guides gradually, though not altogether, leave 
us. The Narrative of Lyon, in connection with 
that of the latest adventurers, which has already 
found its way to Europe '*, will direct us a little 
farther on the road. The reader, however, 
will be aware, that probability is all that can be 
now expected. I hope, however, to render this 
more than empty conjecture. 

Recent discoveries have changed in one im- 
portant feature, the geography of the interior 
of Africa, They show that the great empire 
of Bornou, which is placed in our maps to 
the south-west of Fezzan, lies almost directly 
south. Mourzouk the capital of Fezzan, and 

<i See above p. 13^ [Heeren addi in this aote Lhal he mad« uie A 
Denhain, Clappertof», and Oudeny's Narratives, as given in Uie QuoHirtv 
Rcirrr, U>t. 1823 , liimivtilti Ammln de% V,iyages, 18'24» «Ic. It scarcely 
neeil» be mcnüonetl tbat ihe full Narrative of their Travels ajid Rescarclwi 
have been iince pu'hvhctL] 




Lari the boundary city, together with Angornou 
the most considerable town of the Bornou em- 
pire, lay in succession almost exactly under the 
same meridian'. These accounts, resting upon 
accurate information, and not upon hearsay 
statements, throw a light upon the direction 
in which were situated the series of tribes 
enumerated by Herodotus. 

Herodotus has no farther determined this 
direction than by saying, that it stretches along 
' the border of the great desert. Probably he 
wthought it enough to say it here run along to the 
Burest, without stating anything particular re- 
^Bpecting it. That it did not, however, continue 
full west, but swerved to the south, the previous 
inquiry and Herodotus's statement respecting the 
abode of the Garamantes, have already shown. 
It will not therefore be straining the meaning of 
his words to give it a more southerly direction. 
By taking this course it also runs along the 
border of the desert, which is here occasionally 
relieved by fertile patches ; while on the con- 
trary, a full westerly direction from Fezzan 
would lead into the midst of the great desert 
which he himself held to be impenetrable and 

Without attempting, however, to bias the 
judgment of the reader, or to pass that for 
more than probable w^hicb is still doubtful, 
let me be yet allowed to urge separately 

• N. Akwals«. p. 137. 




the reasons, which induce me to believe that 
those two tribes must be sought for in a direc- 
tion south of the Garamantes. 

The country of the Garamantes^ or Fezzan, 
has always been a principal seat of the trade 
of inner Africa and the negro countries* This 
appears from the statements of the Arabian 
geographers, and from those of the latest tra- 
vellers'. It is here that the caravans assemble 
which go to Bornou, and to the southern coun- 
tries, comprised under the name of Soudan, or 
Nigritia. It is not, however, a country rich in 
natural productions ; but is merely, from its posi- 
tion, the great mart for the trade carried on be- 
tween the countries on both sides of the desert. 

Surely then, when we find this place men- 
tioned in antiquity as the point where the 
commercial roads from Egypt and from the 
Carthaginian territory joined, without how- 
ever ending here, we must admit that the con- 
jecture thereby obtains great force, that it was 
at that time what it has been since ; and that 
the continuation of the route would run to- 
wards the south. This opinion will acquire 
additional force if we remember the perma- 
nency, of which we have already spoken, of the 
commercial intercourse in this quarter of the 

To this it may be added, that the articles of 
commerce obtained here, show that such an 

' HORKKMANW, p. 186. 

CHAF. Vf. 




intercourse existed. The slaves and precious 
stones obtained by the Carthagmians from the 
country of the Garamantes, necessarily pre- 
suppose an intercourse with the more distant 
countries where both these articles were to be 

Let us see, then, who these Atarantes are, 
to whom a new journey of ten days would 
bring us, and where they are to be found. 
What direction must the caravans now take, so 
as not to miss them? Since we have deter- 
mined to follow the great road towards Bornou 
and Soudan, we discover them in the territory 
of Tegerry, the most southern place reached 
by Captam Lyon, 

Tegerry is the frontier town of Fezzan to- 
wards the south, in 24"* 4' N. Lat. Accord- 
ing to Lyon it is the usual baiting place for 
the caravans which come through the desert 
from Bornou, and frequently of those which 
come from Soudan*. The inhabitants sell, at 
a high price, the necessaries of life to the half- 
faraished merchants. Dates are the only things 
to be had cheap and of any quantity. The cul- 
tivation of the date-palm, however, ends here. 
On the south of the city the desert imme- 
diately begins. The springs contain brackish 
water; salt cannot, therefore, be wanted, al- 
though this is not expressly remarked. The 
exact distance from Zuila, as marked on Captain 

f SttrTotit^e, p. 240, 341. 




CBAP. V!. 

Lyon's chart is one hundred and sixty miles; 
which, according to the usual course of the cara- 
vans, certainly amounts to no more than eight I 
days' journey\ i must leave my readers to 
choose, whether they will take the days' journey 
at something shorter, or include the last two in 
the following station, which, as we shall pre- 
sently see, amounts to something more than ten 
days' journey. 

Although Tegerry belongs to Fezzan, yet it . 
is here, according to Captain Lyon, that the Ara- 1 
bian language ends and the Bornou begins. ' 
And it is certainly a very extraordinary fact, 
that here, likewise, a report handed down to 
us by Herodotus, should be confirmed by a 
late account of Bornou, written too by a tra- 
veller who knew nothing of his history, and 
who lived ahnost two thousand years after him'. 

*• The Atarantes/' says Herodotus, " have 
among them no proper names for individuals, 
and are the only people of this sort." This is 
certainly a most extraordinary fact, as not one 
of our modern travellers has met with anything 
of a similar kind, even among the rudest na- 

^ Thif is the time ktook Capt. Lyon (NariAt'u*e, p. 219 — 238.) dtbovgit 
he ilid Dot travel with a laden canivan, for whkh tea days would scatod; 
aeem too much. A diflfercnce of one or two days' journey in ten, alauM 
ftlwuys happcni to tingle travellers from accidental canBes. 

) Leo« p. 355. He also tays of this same fM»ple, p. 247. ih«t Oaj 
invoke, will* great vebemence, llie rising sud. Does this explain Herod- 
otus'* account of the imprecations which lliey utter againfii it T It ntosi 
besides be particularly remarked that Leo had uot read Herodotus* H« 
knew nothing but Arabic, and a little Italian, which he only learned in b« 
old tg«. But if he had read it, tt would not have lessened the fore« 
of hit evidence. 



tions. Notwithstanding this, Leo of Africa re- 
lates exactly the same thing of the inhabitants of 
Bornoii, to the south of Fezzan ; and give us at 
the same time a clew to this difficult question. 
** A merchant,*' says he, ** who came from the 
empire of Bornou, and had lived for a consider- 
able period among its people, informed me that 
there were no proper names whatever among 
them. AH are called after their height, thick- 
ness, or some other accidental quality» and have, 
therefore, merely nicknames.** How far this ac- 
count may be worthy of credit, is a matter of no 
importance ; it proves in either case, the exist- 
ence of a tradition in Africa which confirms the 
fact mentioned by Herodotus respecting his 
Atarantes, in the time of Leo ; and certainly, 
respecting a people who dwelt within the boun- 
daries of the very extensive empire of Bornou, 
We also find another example in the Narrative 
of Captain Lyon'' which farther confirms it; a 
black wife of Mukni, sultan of Fezzan, who 
came trom that country, was named Zaitoon, 
(olive-tree); probably from her shape. 

We have jiow only to fix the last station 
mentioned by Herodotus : that of the Atlantes, 
which closes his account of the Libyan tribes. 
At this point Captain Lyon leaves us as an eye- 
witness; nevertheless the information he col- 
lected, in connection with the narrative of later 
British travellers, throws a light upon the state- 

fc Narrathe, p. 59. 


234 CARTHAGINIANS. chap, vi. 

ment of Herodotus, which is truly surprising. 
The route holds the same direction ; and is a 
continuation of the great commercial road to 
Bornou. It leads to Bilma, the principal seat 
of the Tibboos; just mid-way between Alour- 
zouk and Lari, the frontier town of Bornou, 
we find the Atlantes of Herodotus. The dis- 
tance from Tegerry is stated by Capt. Lyon 
to be eighteen days' journey, but only of eight 
hours each^ ; others reckon it no more than 
seventeen"", which, according to the usual man* 
ner of reckoning, amount to somewhere about 
twelve or thirteen days' journey. Greater ac- 
curacy than this can scarcely be expected. If, 
however» we add the two day's journeys which 
are over, to the distance from Zuila to Tegerry, 
we have exactly the number of twenty days* 
journey, which, to agree with Herodotus, is re- 
quired from the Garamantes to the Atlante«; 
and there only remains the discrepancy, that 
the intervening station of the Atarantes does 
not lie exactly in the midst. 

The Atlantes, according to Herodotus, dwelt 
on a very high mountain, steep and round on 
every side. It is so lofty that the inhabitants 
call it the pillar of heaven; a salt-lake lies in 
its neighbourhood \ The district of Bilma, we 
are told by Lyon, is very mountainous, having 
large rocky tracts of perfectly black stone** 

* Nnrreiiv«!. p. 244* *" A'arralire. p» 266. 

" Sm p. 19d. * .Varroliir. p. 266. 

|;bap* vi. 


Some of these rocks are so high and steep that 
Öieir tops are scarcely visible ; or as the Ara- 
bians express it in their figurative language, 
** you cannot see their top without losing your 
cap." According to the latest travellers, it is 
upon these rocks that are situated, in order that 
they may be secure from the attacks of the 
Tauriks, the four towns of the Tibboos, of which 
Bilma is the most important p. How well does 
Herodotus's description apply to this neigh- 
bourhood. Another circumstance is still to be 
noticed, Bilma is the great salt mart for the 
negro countries : thirty thousand camel loads 
are yearly carried from its salt- lakes by the 
Tuariks to Soudan*'. Nature herself prescribes 
is commerce, as no salt is to be found farther 
outh '. Does not this offer us a very natural 
eason, w^hy Herodotus*s information respecting 
ese tribes should end here ? It was the great 
arket where the tribes exchanged their com- 
odities with one another. A similar circum- 
nce occurs in the steppes of central Asia, 
ong the Argippaei*. 
he reader is still at liberty to adopt or reject 

'. Annaits d4t Votfagti, p. 137. They are named Kiikbi« Aschftnuma 
and Bilma. 
Annates, L c. 

lingt, p. 252, 353. ** Tbe merchanb i»r Kashna and Agades/' 

ire »aid» " go every year in numerous caravan* to Bilma, to fetch »alt, 

[tbey cannot procure at a shorter distance." The reader who will 

trouble to compare thia now »ettled question with the fonmer »litians 

rorkf wilt hnd that the reftttlts are the »ame ; only the proofa — thanka 

ted discovcriei— ar« new. 

Researches on Asia. 




the observations I have here made ; but before 
taking leave of the narrative of Herodotus, let 
us cast a glance at the last wonder he mentions 
relating to inner Africa*» ** Ten days' journey 
into the great desert is a salt mine («ix«« /«t«>.Xo»), 
The inhabitants there build their huts with 
blocks of salt, because no rain of any kind 
ever falls there. The salt which they dig 
is partly white and partly coloured ; beyond 
these places a completely barren desert fol- 

The same account is given almost verba- 
tim in Leo Africanus's description of the large 
salt mines of Tegaza, in the heart of the de- 
sert, where he himself was detained for three 
days. According to his account" they are si- 
tuated on the south-east border of the desert of 
Zanhaga*, and are about twenty days' journey 
from Tombuctoo* They were worked by people 
sent there for that purpose, who dwell in mi- 
serable huts about the entrance of the mines. 

' HcnoD. iv, 185. The connection of tlie {lassagc in Herodotus shovt 
plainly that Üi'n is neither the conlintiation af his descripttou of the carina 
rotite, nor a repelkion of what he had said before j but only the account of 
a reinark&btcr prticular of wliich he had been informed. He theiefort 
says : ten days* journey into the desert p not an the borders as be himself 
thought the olhers. The preci&eness of Herodotus in hts choice of expres* 
aioDS is one of his greatest tncrin. He always says exactly what he should. 
ilow carefully he has here distin^uislied by the expre&sious a\b^ furdXXev 
these talt mine» from the »ait kilh. 

" Lf.o, p. 224, 946- 

* Zanhaga, according to Leo, is the name of the ¥r«stern part of the 
desert between Morocco and Tombucloo, it joins ihe often -mentjanpi 
desert of Zueniiga. The sandy legtoa is here the broadest and th« niM 
dangerous to uavellc». 





Their food is brought them ; and they not un- 
frequently perish of hunger, or become blind 
by the fiery heat. From these mines of white 
and coloured salt, it is that the negro countries 
OQ the Niger, belonging to the empire of Tom- 
buctoo, are supplied with this necessary article. 
Large caravans of merchants travel there to 
procure it. 

Let the reader judge for himself how far these 
two accounts agree ; the statement of neither 
writer is sufficiently precise to enable us to de- 
termine exactly the situation of the salt mines 
spoken of. AVhether, however, they are the 
same or different (for many such may perhaps be 
found in this vast desert), they at least convince 
us how well Herodotus was acquainted with 
everything remarkable in the desert, and how 
true his statements are. Short-sighted critics 
have often calumniated his manes; but the 
silence of the desert remains, in awful grandeur, 
an eternal witness of his credibility! 

The regions of antiquity, which distance has 
so long mystified, and which have been buried, 
as it were, in a night of centuries, again begin 
to dawn. It is time, however, that we should 
draw to a close ; let us, therefore, first collect, 
as well as we can, into general views, the 
great variety of circumstances which have come 
before us. 

Respecting the commercial intercourse in ge- 
neral, of the nations of interior Africa, no doubt 
can now remain ; the vestiges that are left prove 
how active it must once have been. It has 

238 CARTHAGINIANS. chap. vi. 

been shown that the places and districts which 
were its principal seats in antiquity have con- 
tinued so to the present day. But how inferior 
its actual state, compared with what it was for- 
merly, is amply proved by the monuments which 
still remain. What is the present Siwah opposed 
to ancient Ammonium; what even Cairo itself 
opposed to the royal Thebes ? And yet it was 
the commerce of which we have been speak- 
ing, knit perhaps by certain religious ties 
(now transplanted to Mecca), to which they 
were indebted for their magnificence and spleo- 
dour. May we not then, or rather, must we 
not, measure by this standard the magnitude 
and importance of this trade in those days? 
Then, when the north coast of Africa, instead of 
being overrun by barbarians, was occupied by 
mighty civilized nations; by nations iu whom 
commerce, if not the only was at least the 
ruling passion. 

Farther : the principal articles of commerce 
were then the same as they are now: salt, 
dates, slaves, and gold. The caravans had a 
profitable motive for passing through districts 
where salt was plentiful. Flere they could 
load their camels free of expense with this 
commodity, which in the negro countries met 
with a sure and ready sale for slaves and gold 
dust. Respecting the traffic in the human spe- 
cies, its extent, and its arrangements, we have 
seen, as well in the interior of Africa as iu 
Carthage and its foreign possessions, so many 
examples, that farther observations are quite 





unnecessary. I shall only add this single 
remark, that the slave trade of Africa at that 
time, as well as now, was mainly directed to 
females, who in the Balearian islands were sold 
for three times as much as the men '. Gold dust 
was always an article much sought for in the ne- 
gro countries ; and how w^ell the Carthaginians 
understood the trade in this precious metal, has 
been already shown in the narrative of Hero- 
dotus given above. In addition to these commo- 
dities there was in antiquity the equally import- 
ant one of precious stones ; particularly of that 
species called calcedonius, and which derived 
its name from Carthage', The Carthaginians 
obtained them, as I have already shown, 
from the country of the Gararaantes, whither 
they could only be brought from the moun- 
tainous districts of central Africa'. The calce- 
donius, or, as it is also called, the carbuncle, 
holds the first rank among the onynxes ; it was 
made use of for drinking and other vessels ; 
and from the extravagance shown in this re- 
spect, we may form some idea of the extent of 
this trade. 

7 DtovoRVB, i, f). 344. That the caravams still continue to export more 
female than male slaves, is evident from the statements of Lyon« Burck- 
1i«nlt, and others, 

■ Plix> XXXVÜ. 7. It is known that among the eut stones of antiquity 
there are maoy of whose native country we are entirely ignorant. Might 
not mftay of Ihese be from central Africa ? A remark, which 1 heard from 
« learned aaturali«t, that almost atl these unknown stooes are of Hotnan, and 
not of Greek workmanship, perhaps confirms this conjecture. A better ac- 
l|umilltanct with the inner refioni of Africa can aboe reader rt certaio. 




Again : the nations by whom this commerce 
was chiefly carried on, were the inhabitants of 
the districts between the two Syrtes ; and par- 
ticularly the Nasamones'*. The expeditions and 
hardy journeys of discovery made by this people, 
are celebrated upon more than one occasion 
by Herodotus; they indeed imparted to him 
this information. These tribes and their neisrh- 
bours still carry on an active trade. The 
bold inhabitants of Fezzan venture from the] 
borders of the negro lands to the centre of 1 

The Carthaginians then, by having these 
tribes under their dominion, held the caravan 
trade in their own hands; and the otherw^ise 
barren districts of the Syrtes became, on that 
account, one of their most important posses- 
sions ; and the acquisition of which, tradition 
continued to celebrate, as having been pro- 
cured by the voluntary sacrifice of the ambassa- 
dors'". The Emporia, or cities of Byzacium, ou 
the borders of this territory, were, by their situa- 
tion, the natural staple places of this trade, 
of the possession of which Carthage had truly 
reason to be jealous, and therefore remained 
completely silent respecting all that concerned 
it. The commercial intercourse with inner 

^ But timt ihey did not all remain merely carriers» but took ai&o a part 
id tbe trade, scarcely requires a proof. They became, in cooseqoefMC» 
a veiy rich people, though they iitill coDtiDued notnadi. Svclax» p. 49. 

* Proceedings, p. 192. 

' See above, p* 54. 




Africa was also the more easily hid from the 
world, because Carthage itself was not the 
place to which the caravans resorted; they 
were formed in districts scarcely known, and 
the towns nearest to the borders of the desert 
were the great staples for their wares. 



War Forces. 

Although the history of the Carthaginian wa^ 
does not come within the scope of the presei^'^ 
work» yet the information respecting this r^^ 
public would be incomplete» without som^ 
notice of its fleet and armies. After a glanc^ 
at these, we shall be better able to judg^ 
of the might of Carthage; and neither the 
history of her aggrandizement or her fall, could 
be well understood without it. 

Carthage was powerful by sea and by land, 
limiting, in both cases, the force of this expres- 
sion to the sense in which it may be used with 
regard to the states of that period, when the 
ocean had not yet been brought under the do- 
minion of man; nor large standing armies, 
even in times of peace, kept in pay. 

The idea, however, of maritime dominioD, 
must naturally have presented itself to the 
Carthaginians % as soon as they obtained pes- 

* DionoRUs, ii. p. 134. 412. 




ession of foreign colonies, to which their fleets 
lone could carry them, and with which the 
aaintenance of a continual and peaceful in- 
ercourse was highly necessary, even if the se- 
curity of their own dominions had not depended 
ipon it. The extent of their navy, and their 
i^hole maritime system, was formed to answer 
lis particular purpose. 

The operations of their navy was principally 
»nfined to the Mediterranean, or rather to its 
astern half, and, perhaps, a small portion of 
^ ocean lying just without the Pillars of Her- 
I es. In this part lay the islands which the 
Lxthaginians had partially or completely 
aquered ; the coasts were here covered with 
^ir colonies ; and we may therefrom form 
tne idea of their maritime forces, which 
k^tnrally arose with the necessity of maintain- 
ig these in subjection, and consequently of 
reserving a free communication with them, be- 
ide securing a passage over for their troops and 
fdefending their settlements from the approach 
f foreign enemies. To effect all this it required 
more than an uninterrupted navigation of 
te seas, and secure stations for their fleets. 
'^hen engagements took place in the open sea, 
ival tactics were not much wanted; distant 
»yages of warlike squadrons were at this period 
holly unnecessary, and therefore unknown. 
But even this dominion of the sea, limited as 
was, had to be won from powerful rivals, 
id was not obtained without many struggles, 





CHAP. iriL 


They had the Etrurians in Italy, the Greeks in 
Syracuse and Massilia to contend with ; and 
when at last they might have flattered them- 
selves with having wrested the prize from these, M 
the most formidable of all their rivals started" 
up in Rome, where it was soon felt, that with- 
out the dominion of the sea, it was impossible 
to humble the pride of Carthage. There is no 
doubt but it was a continual jealousy of these 
powers which graduatly developed the strength 
of the republic ; and a due consideration of the 
long series of victories and defeats, even for 
centuries, which it cost it to maintain its 
preponderance, will give us the best means of 
estimating the powerful resources which it 
must have possessed. 

Upon the nature and strength of the Cartha- 
ginian na\^ we are better informed than upon 
most other matters relating to that republic. 
Writers had so frequent occasion to speak of 
it, that they could not well avoid leaving u« 
many particulars respecting it. 

The principal harbour of the republic for its 
ships of war, was in the capital itself*. TbiR 
had a double harbour, an outward and an inner 
one, so arranged that vessels were obliged to 
sail through the first to arrive at the other. 
An entrance, seventy feet wide, which might 
be barred with a chain, led to the outer, ap- 

*» For the following partkulan we are indebted to Appiak. i, p. 435- 
438 and 482. Other Carlliaginian citie* however hid harbours and dfltb 
Sot vtiftwLs of wai". a* Hipprt, for example. Appian, i, p, 459. 

;hap. VII» 



propriated solely to merchant vessels, which 
could here safely ride at anchor. On one side 
of this a broad bank, or quay, ran along, upon 
which the merchandise was unladen, and de- 
livered to purchasers ; and a gate opened from it 
into the city, without passing throuü^h the inner 
harbour. This latter was separated from the 
outward one by a double wall, and was destined 
to receive only vessels of war. In its centre 
arose a lofty island from which the open sea 
could be plainly seen. The station of the com- 
mander of the fleet was upon this isle, where 
signals were made, and watches kept, and from 
which could be seen all that was going forward 
at sea, without those at sea being able to look 
into the interior of the harbour. The island as 
welf as the harbour was strongly fortified, and 
surrounded with high banks, along which the 
docks, or depots for the war-galleys, two hun- 
dred and twenty in number, were situated. 
Above these, in an equal number of divisions, 
were the magazines, containing everything ne- 
cessary for the outfit of the ships*". At the 
entrance of each dock stood two Ionic columns, 
which, as they were ranged round the island 
and the harbour, gave the whole the appearance 
of a magnificent portico. 

c Without dfiabt, tberefor«, ev«ry ship had it» store'houM, as thej alio 
have ID our modern harbours. It seems likely tlml the» ras^r.ines were of 
w ocxi ^ for under Dionpius i. i report wa.s spread thnt they were burnt,, 
^h«Teupon he bnill a vain hope thai Iheti Bed had ^ufiered the same falc. 

J^lODORUS, ii. p. ^< wmmm^ 


CHAP. Ml. 

The war-ships of the Carthaginians, previous 
to the time of the Roman wars, seem to have 
been triremes ; of which the history of their 
wars with Syracuse gives several proofs'*. But 
the custom of building larger vessels, which 
had been much followed since the time of 
Alexander the Great, particularly by Demetrius 
the town-taker, seems also to have beeu 
adopted by the Carthaginians ; and even in their 
first war witli Rome tlieir fleets consisted of 
quinqueremes*; a vessel indeed with seven 
banks of oars is mentioned, though only as one 
captured from their enemies ^ 

The navigation of the Carthaginians was 
under the protection of their gods, of whom the 
sea-deities, their Poseidon, Triton, and the 
Cabiri, formed a separate class^ Images of these 
deities were placed upon the hinder part of their 
ships (especially of their sliips of war), some of 
which bore, if we may rely upon the evidence 
of a poet, their names \ 

The usual number of their ships of war, or 

^ As For example, in Dionont;», ii, p. 9, and in oiJier places whtn bt 
speaks of the CarthaLgioiaa fleets. There «eeins in geDcnil. oo doubt but 
that the Cartbaginians, ia their naval architecture, folbwed the Gr«rian 
school, especially that of Syracuse. Necessity roust have led them lo iL 
* This is clear from Polybiu», i, p. 158» 159. 
f Poly», i, p. 58. It uas built by Pyrrhus. 
t Munter, Religion of ihe Carthaginian», p. 97, etc. 
^ SiLti^s Itaucvs, lib. xiv. In the description of the sea-fight atid ibt 
burning of the Weet ; especially v, 672, 

Uritur undiva^us Pythoti, et corniger Ammon. 
Fit qiiin Sidonios vultus portabat Klisso! ; 
Kt Triton raplivus, el anlua rupibus jttnc* cU*. 
]i ccrtüiiily h not improbable iHat fhis was the case. 




galleys, seems almost determined by the ar- 
rangement of the harbour, which agrees very 
well with what other information we have as 
to the strength of their fleets'. The number 
of vessels of war mentioned in the Syracusan 
war, by creditable writers, varies from a hun- 
dred and fifty to two hundred» It was greater 
in the first war with Rome» when their mari- 
time force in general seems to have attained its 
highest pitch. In the fatal naval engage- 
ment by which Regulus opened for himself 
tway to Africa, the Carthaginian fleet con- 
sted of three hundred and fifty galleys with 
ae hundred and fifty thousand men, and that of 
the Romans of three hundred and thirty galleys 
with one hundred and forty thousand men^. 

The navy of Carthage was manned partly by 

fighting men (imßdraii), and partly by rowers; so 

that a quinquereme contained one hundred and 

^w^enty of the former and three hundred of the 

latter ^ The number of rowers contributed in a 

*eat measure to that velocity in their movements. 

^% rei 

* DiODOBus, i, p. 685, 691 \ i\, t34. Tbongh tlie same writer in two 
pusages (voL i, p. 419, 6CH9), mentions various greater numbers 
they are evidently etaggerated, for which we may thank the Eplior* 
remains to »ay that tranRports were always dtatinguished from vessels 
of war among the Carthaginianfi. 

^ PoLYC. i, p. 66. The description oi this engagement gives the best 
id^ of the naval Ucdcs of that period. The wedge-shaped formed fleet of 
the Romans broke through that ol' ttio Carthaginians, who had taken a 
position with the view of oulflankiog them. Above fifty Bhip« were stiok 
in the battle, and sixty-four captured by the Romans. Above thirty 
thousand men peri&hed. According to these statements» are not our 
greatest sea battles mere skirmishei compared with those of that time! 

' POLYB» 1. C. 




for which the Carthaginian vessels are expressly 
stated to have been distinguished "*. These 
rowers were composed of slaves bought by the 
state for this particular purpose", and who, 
as they required practice, formed without doubt 
a standing body, that was in part, or altogether, 
kept up in time of peace. The quickness with 
which they manned their squadrons would 
otherwise be inexplicable. 

The commanders of their fleet were distin- 
guished from those of their land forces, to whom- 
they were subordinate in those undertakings 
in which they acted in concert^ At other 
times they received their orders from the 
jsenate, which were not unfrequently sealed, 
and could not be broken open till the bearer 
arrived at a certain destination ^ The victories 
of their fleets were celebrated by public re- 
joicings, and their defeat by public mourning. 
In the latter case the walls of the city were 
hung with black, and the fore part of the vessels 
were spread over with skins''. 

The situation of the republic, and the whole 

* At taperior lo the Syracutaai, Diodohl-b, ii. p. 409, ftnd to tht 
Romaaä. Polyb. 1, p. 130. 

"• Accoriiiog to Apfian, i, p. 315, Asdrabal bougbt, during ihe lecoad 
"war with Rome, five thou^atiid alavei at one time a& rowera. Aoothtf 
proof or the extent of Lho GarthaginiaOf »lave trade. Whit markel of Afrin 
could now iupply so many at one time? 

" PoLVB. i, p. 223. Hamilcai had bia son-in-law, Asdrabal, in llii* 
maimer under him. 

I* DioüORu», i, p. 6Ö5, cf, Potv.*N. V, X, 2* 

** DiODORua. i, p. 422; ii, p. 399*412. The meaning inihela%( 
ii doublfuL Were they not pcrhap» black sheep skins } 


CfffAP. VII. 



course of its affairs, must naturally have led the 
CarthaginiaDs to consider their navy as their 
main strength* This accounts for their paying 
so much attention to it, and its obtaining a 
degree of perfection, to which, as Polybius ex- 
pressly remarks, their land forces would bear 
no comparison'. The many wars however in 
which the republic was engaged, and the 
maintenance of its large possessions, obliged it 
to keep large armies almost continually in the 
field. Here again, however, Carthage had 
regulations and designs peculiar to herself. 
Here we again recognise the policy of a com- 
mercial state, which chose rather to pay others 
to fight her battles, than tu engage in them 
herself; and made even this policy the foun- 
dation of a commerce with distant nations, 

!t is evident, that in a state like Carthage 
not more than a small proportion of the citizens 
could devote themselves to the profession of 
arms ; yet it is clear that this profession had a 
charm for the higher classes and nobles of the 
republic*. This explains Polybius's remark, 
that the land forces of the Carthaginians were 
neglected, with the exception of the cavalry*; 
the expense of which, as it made the service 
costly, endeared it in the eyes of these classes"; 

» PoLYB. ii, p. 564. 

• See DioDOÄUs, ii, p, 144, 3Ö9, 414, 

* PoLYB. ii, p. 565. 

" But that in tiinea of necessity the others alio arroed ifaemsdvc» will 
easilj be understood, in odc case of this sort the city of Carthage furnished 
forty ibousand foot and one thousand horse, Diodohub, ii, p. 413, 450* 



CBAP. ¥11. 

to whom it was farther enhanced by the outward 
marks of dignity, the rings, which belonged to it. 
One of these was allowed to be worn for every 
campaign which had been made*. In the 
large Carthaginian armies we always find the 
number of proper Carthaginians small in pro- 
portion to the whole'. They formed» either 
altogether, or in part, a separate corps, dignified 
with the title of the sacred legion^ which 
seems to have been a sort of body guard of the 
general, not less distinguished by its valour 
than by its splendour, which was equally con- 
spicuous in the equipments and drinking-vessels 
of its members*. 

The great armies which Carthage brought 
into the field, consisted then almost entirely of 
foreigners, whom they hired. Conquering 
commercial states, at all times, fall, to a certain 
degree, into some such custom, which is only 
changed in form by temporary circumstances. 
What, indeed, are the subsidies granted ia 
the present day, but a modification of the same 
system ? Scarcely any state however carried 
it so far as the Carthaginian : almost half Africa 
and Europe were in the pay of that rich re- 

' Aristot. Potii, vii, 2. Doe» not this explain why Hannibal. *ftw 
the battle ofCantire» sent the rin^s oi the Romaa knights that were «ttio to 
Carthage, witfi the reinaTk, that onlj knights durst weaj: them aiooDf the 
Komans! Livv, xxili, 12* 

> la an army of seventy tbousaDd me» Lheie wen only two 
five bundredn. Diodorus, li, p. 143, 414. 

" Diottotivs. I. c. It seems however from this passage, ihat thi« 
lifgioti did not coDsist of cavalry hut heavy-armed infantir« 

eajLP. VII. 




A Carthaginian army, therefore, would have 
been a more interesting spectacle for one who 
desired to study the human species than for 
any information it afforded respecting military 
tactics. It was an assemblage of the most op- 
posite races of the human species, from the 
farthest parts of the globe. Hordes of half- 
naked Gauls were ranged next to companies of 
white-clothed Iberians, and savage Ligurians 
next to the far-travelled Nasamones and Loto- 
phagi ; Carthaginians and Phcenici-Africans 
formed the centre ; while innumerable troops 
f Numidian horsemen, taken from all the 
tribes of the desert, swarmed around upon un- 
saddled horses, and formed the wings ; the van 
as composed of Balearic slingers, and a line 
f colossal elephants, with their Ethiopian 
guides, formed as it were a chain of moving 
fortresses before the whole army. 

The Carthaginians formed their armies de- 
signedly, as Polybius remarks', of these va- 
rious nations, that the difference in their 
languages might prevent them plotting con- 
spiraciies and tumults. 

In respect to the mixed and heterogeneous 
mass of which it was composed, the army of 
Carthage bore a resemblance to that of the 
Persians. The latter united in itself the na- 
tions of the east, as did the former the tribes of 
the west. At one time only were these two 

* ToLYi. i, p. 167. 



CHAF. Til. 

states allied, — in the expedition of Xerxes into 
Greece, and the enterprise of the Carthagi- 
nians against Sicily; Had circumstances per- 
mitted these two armies, at that time, to unite, 
what a remarkable exhibition they would have 
presented, — a muster of nearly all the varieties 
of the human species at that time known ? 

But even the Carthat^nnian army alone, 
when fully assembled, offers a considerable 
variety ; and it comes exactly within the scope 
of my plan to examine, in detail, this interest- 
ing spectacle. 

The number of Carthaginian citizens in their 
armies was not, as has been already said, very 
considerable, although the corps itself was the 
most splendid of the whole. Their African 
subjects, which are always mentioned by Po- 
lybius under the name of Libyans**, consti- 
tuted the sinews of their armies. They served 
both on horse and foot ; and composed as well 
a part of the heavy cavalry, as of the heavy- ■ 
armed infantry ^ Their weapons consisted 
of long lances, which Hannibal after the battle 
of Thrasymene exchanged for Roman arms**. 

Next to these stood bodies of Spanish and 
Gallic or Celtic troops. Spanish soldiers were 
among the best disciplined of the Carthaginian 
armies, and generally served as heavy-armed 
infantry. Their uniform consisted of white 

»• PoLVB. i, p. 161, 196, 468. etc. i iu, p 
' IbkLi.647. 
•• Uiid. i, p. 5a4. 






linen vests bordered with red ; and a large 
sword, with which they could either cut or 
thrust, was their principal weapon *. 

Tribes of Gauls fought at an early period in 
the armies of Carthage. I can discover no- 
where the least hint respecting what part of 
Gaul they were hired from ; but I conjecture, 
from that lying nearest Jthe Mediterranean. It 
seems however that the rudest and most sa- 
vage tribes were chosen. They went entirely 
naked except a girdle, and fought with a 
sword only adapted for striking ^ 

Italy also supplied the Carthaginians with 
soldiers of several tribes. Ligurians appeared 
in their armies at the commencement of the 
wars with Rome*, and the Campanians even in 
those of Syracuse '' ; Greeks also were in their 
pay, but probably not before the Roman wars'. 

The Balearic slingers were a kind of light 

« Tbe most accumte ftccoynt of thu arms and clothing of the vziio^a 
uoops will be found in Poitbius, i, p, 640. 

' They cast away tfeeir clothes m battle, Pouvb. i, p. 287. The «am« 
writer d»o mentions them {i, p. 39.) u in the Cartho^loian pay before tb« 
ürae of th« Roman wars. 

K PoLYB. i, p. 39* Compare Herodotus'» list (vii, 165.) of the nfttiont 
of which Hamilcar'a army was compoiMsd 3t the iavasion of Sicily* B.C. 
490, there were FhoEnicianA, Libyans, Iberians, Lygiani, Sardinians, and 
Corsicans, together, three bund rtd thousand men. We likewise learn , from 
ibe »ame pn^aage» that tbe death of this Hamilcar was regarded as a sacn- 
lice, that be was worshipped as a hero with offerings, and that monu- 
inents were erected lo him in all their colonial cities {irnXtm rw»* riirotri- 
Cittv), Hrnoo. vii, 167. 

•• DioooRUS» i, 605. 

' PoLYi». it p. 02. Perhaps the Sicilian wars agaiast Pyrrbiis* which 
had a great influence upon ibe military affairs in general of Carthage, 
|rave tbem the Br&t idea of so doinn;. 



CHAP. ru. 

troops peculiar to the Carthaginian army. They 
usually formed a corps of about a thousand 
men ; and their powerful hurl had nearly the 
effect of our small muskets. Their stones 
dashed to pieces buckler and armour, and in 
a battle against the Syracusans they gained 
the victory for the Carthaginians^, 

But the main strength of the Carthaginian 
armies consisted in general of their light cavalry, 
of which they found an abundant supply in the 
nomad races on both sides of their territory. 
These hordes have always possessed, and do 
even now, an excellent breed of horses. They 
are in a manner born horsemen, being accus- 
tomed from their youth to exercise themselves 
and their fleet steeds in skirmishes and battles. 
All these tribes, from the neighbouring Massyli 
to the more distant Maurusii, who dwelt on the 
western ocean, in the present Fez and Morocco, 
were wont to fight in the Carthaginian armies, 
and to remain in Carthaginian pay ' : from the east 
of their state, as far as Cyrene, the Carthaginians 
also drew levies, both in Africa and Europe, 

k Di£»j>oitvft, ti, p. 399, 401. cf. Polyb. i. 647. 

■ FoLYQ. i, p. 453. This author enuincnites four diifereat tribes of time 
nomad !> from the t«rritory of Carthage to the ocean : the Mmacyti, tbi 
Musx^yli, the MEikkjxi (upon wkoe« name critics disagree), and the 
Maunisii, the most distnnt of them. All these tribes had tb«ir piiDCCt, 
chiefs^ or kings <just as writers choose to call them), whom the Cbrtllt- 
finian» aiway» had for allies, auil «rhosc friendship they eudeavoured by 
«very meaas to preserve, especially by marriagir» with Carihaginiaa ladiai 
ot rank. Besides the example of Syphax, there is another id Poly», ij p< 
\9Ü. When aa army was to be raised, Carthage sent senators to ibea» 
chiefs to make contracts with ihem respecting the troop«^ to be taken iRto 
pay. The tribes theo followed iheir leaders. Dionuiti«. i, p. «501. 




which were managed by senators deputed for 
that purpose"». Bands of these Numidian horse- 
men fought on small horses without saddles. A 
halter of twisted rushes served them for bridle, 
and even for that they scarcely had occasion, so 
w^U were their steeds disciplined. The skin 
of a lion or tiger served both for their dress and 
their nightly couch, and when they fought on 
foot a piece of elephant s hide was their shield. 
heir onset was rendered dreadful by the fleet- 
ness and cunning of their horses. Flight was 
no disgrace to soldiers who only fled to prepare 
for a new attack". They were to the Cartha- 
ginians what the Cossacks are to the Russians. 
The heavy cavalry (equi franati) consisted^ in 
addition to the Carthaginians themselves, of 
Libyan, Spanish, and afterwards of Gallic 
horsemen. All these are often mentioned by 
Polybius \ 

The Carthaginian military establishment 
partook of all the advantages and disadvantages, 
to which great armies, composed of light troops, 
are generally subject. Among the former 
were security from sudden attacks, facility of 
movement, capability of making forced marches 
and devastating routes, with the consequent 
impossibility of retreat ; among the latter. 

n DiODORV», u p* €33- Ac importaul passage» which gives us a cleajr 
of these exteasive levies. What gre&t preparatiaas mu&t have been 
to raise such an army. 
" Strabo, p. 1184. Appiav, i. p. ai7. 
*» A* for example, i, p. 532. 6-17, 




want of discipline, pestilential disorders, diffi- 
culty of transporting horses and elephants by 
seap, and almost certain defeat in regular en- 
gagements against well disciplined troops. It 
required perhaps both the power and genius of 
a Hannibal to tame these savage hordes, and 
to discipline them into an army capable of de- 
feating even the legions of Rome ! 

The way in which the Carthaginians col- 
lected their armies, sufficiently accounts forj 
their being so numerous, although we havi 
reasonable grounds to mistrust the large round 
numbers frequently specified. Even the re- 
duced statements of Tiniaeus*', makes the amount 
of their armies much greater in the Syracusan 
than in the Roman wars, when the numbers 
could be more exactly ascertained '. That the 

r The remark will generally \*e found true, thai tbe CaitbiginiaD*. 
wherevi^r il was possible, prererred marching their troops by land, to tn^* 
porting them by Bea. Huiiilrar went by land at fiar as tlie StratL> •■• 
his exp4^lition to Spain (Polyb. i, p. 222.), Hannibal went by land I» 
Italy. They do ooi S€«m to have foand out the mi-thod of txamBpoHuf 
elephant» by sea, previou» \& the Roman ware (Dtounnus, ii, p. 502.), «i 
least we have no eiample of it in the earlier wars with Syracuse. Tbc; 
most probably leartit the use of elepkantt in warfare from Pyrrfaui, ud 
adopted them because Africa supplied them with these aninaals. rKt 
hunting of them must have been cirried on upon a latge scale, a* ntB 
their Erst generals were sent out for that purpos«, as Aadiubat, Giscor» 
«n. Ai'PiAN, i, p. 314. In the earlier limes they made use of war-chanoi» 
instead. It is uncertain whether they imported this invention from F' 
nicii ; — we know from (he n-ars oi .loshun that they were not un»^ 
there ; — or whciher they adopted them from the African tiibes, with i»b<iE' 
ihey were native, ai among the Garamantes and the Zaueces. Hlkob. 
iv, 183. 193. The contapous disease in their anwie» deserves a scj 
inquiry. Was it j^ally the plagne* 1 doubl. See Diomtitis, i, p. 

«1 See zhtwc, p. 23. 

r According to ihe accurate atatementt of Hannibal, copied liy Poly*^« 




republic, however, with her numerous re- 
sources, could easily raise an army of an 
hundred thousand men, requires no farther 
' proof. 

f Carthage only required armies of this mag- 
nitude in time of war; there is, however, no 
I doubt but that a certain force was kept em- 
bodied during peace'. The numerous garri- 
sons of the provinces were mostly composed of 
mercenaries*, as was also that of the capital ". 
The triple walls of the city contained both 
quarters for the troops and magazines for mili- 
tary stores. Each of these, on the inner side, 
had a double row of vaulted chambers. The 
K lower ones contained stalls for three hundred 
W elephants, and repositories for their food. 
In the upper were formed stables for four thou- 
sand horses, together with the necessary store- 
houses ; and quarters for twenty thousand in- 
kfantry and four thousand cavalry*. These 
troops were under the command of a particu- 
lar governor of the city \ 

from the monumeata which he left behiad at Lacinium, bit army did not 
amouot upon its arrival in Italy (; where it certainly Yfz% ^on reinforced by 
Gauls). 10 above twenty-six thousand men; and the African troops left 
behind in Spain, under hih brother Aadrubal to thirteen thoiisand four 
hundred. Poly», i, p. 459, oil* 

• DioDoatiSj ii, p. 457. gives a clear proof that auch troops were kept 
always in pay. 

t Jin ID Sardinia. Poub. i, p. 196. 203. 

« Cozspare the accounts of the garrison whicb Hannibal placed here. 
J»oi.YB. i, p. 469. 

^ Ai'piAN, it p. 436. 

' Poi.vB. it 163. o inri t/jj; jroXion; <rr^firijyuc. 





These accounts naturally lead us to reflec- 
tions, which enable us to estimate fairly tht 
real strength of the republic. 

Armies of hired troops can at no time com- 
pletely supply the place of native warriors 
fighting for their home and their country. The 
moral excitement is wanting. The overpower- 
ing genius of a ^e?Lt man, joined to long exer- 
cise, as was the case in the two wars with 
Rome, may make such an army for some time 
formidable, but such a leader cannot always be 
found. In the war carried on against the 
ruler of Syracuse, mercenaries were mostly op- 
posed to mercenaries, and here the balance yrm 
equally poised; in the wars against Rome they 
had to contend with Romans, and Carthage 
could not fail in the end to be subdued. 

On the other hand, this system was so far of 
advantage to the republic, that foreign defeats 
caused but little harm : it was only the head of 
the hydra, which grew again as often as it was 
cut off. What did it matter to Carthage, 
whether a hundred thousand barbarians, more 
or less, remained in the world, so long as she 
had the power to replace them, and the money 
to pay them with '? To cut off these supplies 
was to paralyze the sinews of the state; and 

* How light the Carthagiamas made of these troops is ihoim b; two 
atrikiDg example«. A bauid of them, which had begun to roaltoy, wiftf^ 
iipoQ one of the Lipairiaa bUtids to fumisht DiODoacs, i» p. 339. ^ 
Himihio left a whole army of them to shift for themielves ; whe 
bought the retreat of the Cartbagin^anft. Dtnnonvs. i» p. 700<i 




rtonian policy did not fail to tiiru its atteatiüu 
to this point. Scipio forbade them to enlist 
troops in Europe*'; and Massinissa improved 
the nomads of Africa into agriculturists'*. 

Finally, it will be easily seen that this system 
of war was closely connected with their com- 
mercial policy. National intercourse, and na- 
tional alliances could not be better promoted 
than in this way. By this a number of distant 
nations learned to know one another as com- 
rades in arms; and all considered themselves 
as allies of Carthage, for whose interest they 
fought. How easy must the Carthaginian 
merchants have found access to these nations, 
when they everywhere found friends and old 
acquaintance ? This must also have paved the 
way to the extension of their dominion. It is 
only by this that we can account for the other- 
wise inconceivably rapid conquest of Spain, 
which Carthage, after the first Roman war, 
completed in a few years, and which, never- 
theless, occupied Rome afterwards for above a 

Upon the whole, however, this system could 
afford the republic but little internal security. 
The impossibility of calling an army like this 
together in a short time, must have made every 
sudden attack dreadful. Their enemies soon 
found this out; and repeated examples have 

* Apfjan, 1, p. 370, 

^ Appian, i» p. 4512, St«abo. p. 1190. 



ftihown that their fleets were not always nf* 
ficient to repel invasion. As often as this hap- 
pened» a struggle for life or death must have 
ensued ; and although they might edsily make 
good the loss of a foreign defeat» yet; in every 
war upon their own ground, their all rested 
upon the cast of a die. 



Decline and FalL 

To portray the causes of the decline and fall 
of mighty states, necessarily requires long and 
profound meditation. Where does history in- 
struct us, if not here ? These inquiries, how- 
ever, certainly possess a much higher interest 
when applied to the history of free states, than 
when applied to monarchies: for though in the 
latter the talents and characters of the rulers 
are more accurately determined, the other rivets 
our attention by the instruction it affords us of 
the true grounds of their prosperity and decline. 
But among all the republics of the ancient 
world, there is, perhaps, no one which unites in 
itself so much to make a detail of the causes 
of its fall interesting to every age, as that of 
Carthage. It does not, however, seem that 
any one has yet thrown that light upon it, 
which, from the foregoing accounts, might 
reasonably be expected. The decay of Car- 
thage has been supposed sufficiently accounted 
for by the increasing preponderance of Rome ; 



and if any one has cast a glance into the interior 
of the republic, it is only to speak of a factiott 
headed by Hanno, which endeavoured to op 
pose the family of Barca from the hereditary 
hate they bore it, in consequence of its harinj 
formerly prevented supplies from being sent to 
Hannibal in Italy. Every reader* must feel 
how unsatisfactory such remarks are ; !et me, 
thea, venture to hope that the following discus- 
sion will lead to a more intelligible and ac* 
curate, though somewhat different view. 

We have already pointed out, in the inquiry 
on the government of Carthage, the epoch frum 
which we must date its interna! decay : namely, 
the first peace with Rome^ The seeds of the 
evils, however, must have been sown much 
earlier, as two abuses in particular had already 
taken deep root; namely, the sale of the highest 
places, which also presupposes bribery at elec- 
tions, and the accumulation of several high 
offices in the same persona Nevertheless, the 


* Th« ctute Hftf all thes« incorrect vi«wK may doubtlMi be ttrribuUd b 
Lt?y*i having b«eü coa^idored tlie chief authority. I ihmk. how«vfr»tkii 
I have shown how careless he was of everything respecting the interail 
Blale orCfitithage ; and I am not the least afraid that any reader, who has i 
proper aense of criticisni, wilj coatrmdict me upon tbia head, Poiybiut, h 
thia respect, certainly ranks far above him ; but in the period which is ht« 
decUive, namely, from the end of the merrenaiy to ihe beginning of tli« 
«econd Roman war. he is so unpardonably short (his narrative, i, p. 292, 
does not fill a slDgle octavo page), that he can scarcely be quoted ai an 
authority. The basis of my opinion, on the conlrary, are llie slatem«nts in 
lUe fragments ofDioonRus. especially the iweniy-fifth bonk, 0/».ii,p. 510, 
fill, andö67. and Appian,!. I05^IHK 

«» See ad)Ovc p. H2. B.C. 24!. 

• Aiitatof. il, p, 28<J. 





history of Rome, as well as that of some 
modern states, teaches us, that the sale of the 
higher offices is not quite so quick, and so 
necessarily an absolute evil as might at the 
first glance be supposed**. It is commonly 
known how the parliamentary votes are 
managed in England ; and formerly in France 
the sale of almost every place was lawful. 
How far such arrangements are likely to be- 
come pernicious, will depend in general upon 
the morals and patriotic feeling of the nation. 
In an aristocratic free government, like Car- 
thage, it is perhaps the least hurtful ; because 
the rich, who outbid their competitors for 
places of honour, must, from their having the 
greatest stake in the country, have the most 
interest in maintaining the constitution and 
internal tranquillity : experience has at least 
suflSciently confirmed this with regard to Car- 
thage. Enough of the history ofthat republic 
is known to make it certain, that, up to the time 
of the war w ith Rome, the spirit of the consti- 
tution, taken altogether, had not degenerated. 
This is sufficiently proved by the evidence of 
Aristotle* down to the time he flourished. The 
two attempts, which had been made by two 
very powerful men, to subvert the government, 
had both been frustrated, wthout farther con- 

* I need scarcely mentioQ that this is do uncQtiditio&al delojice ot such 
abuses. Od the contrary I am perfectly convisced Üiat they muil aeces- 
Mrilv become dangerousi in ilic end, if tiol hv at fithi. 

• Aristoi« Oy, 




CHAP* viir. 

sequences'. The dominion of the senate con- 
tuTued undisturbed ; and» what of itself is a 
decisive proof, we hear nothing, down to this 
time» of factions in the republic. 

During however the ftrst war with Rome, 
the seeds of corruption were sown ; and the 
man who sowed them was Hamilcar Barca. 
Thus it was the fate of the republic that the 
very house which became the support of the 
tottering fabric of the state, should be the same 
which first undermined its foundation. 

It is generally known how gloriously this 
wonderful man opened his career, when only a 
youth, in the first war with Rome. Even at 
that time he appeared, by maintaining himself 
during six years in Sicily» as one of those su- 
perior geniuses, who, leaving the footsteps of 
their predecessors, form new systems of their 
own. Unconquered, and with a threatening 
attitude, he at last signed that treaty which for 
ever deprived the republic of its bulwark, 
Sicily ^ 

Immediately after this peace, Africa itself 
became unexpectedly the theatre of a conten- 
tion of a still more formidable nature, in which 
Hamilcar acted a principal part. Immediately 
after the close of the war the republic wished 
to disband the mercenaries, whom they could 
now do without ; and they had the imprudence 
to admit an army of thirty thousand men into 




' Se« alHiVc. (». ] 

r Pol VII. 

Africa, at a time when the treasury was so 
exhausted that it was altogether unable to 
satisfy their demands. A mutiny was the con- 
sequence, which 'gave rise to a contest that 
soon assumed all the horrors of a formal civil 
war, as the rebels were soon joined by many 
or most of the Carthaginian subjects, among 
whom they found a couple of the most daring 
and enterprising leaders. It was not till after 
a struggle for life and death, and which lasted 
for four years, that the republic was able to 
gain the upperhand\ Notwithstanding the 
fortunate termination of this war, it must always 
be regarded as having laid the foundation for 
the future calamities of Carthage. During its 
continuance it gave rise to a private feud be- 
tween two great men, which was followed by 
greater consequences than perhaps either of 
them* expected; Hanno, surnamed the Great*, 
and Hamilcar Barca, Hanno, before this war, 
had been governor of one of the African pro- 
vinces, and had there lately had an opportunity 
of extending the dominions of the republic by 
the conquest of the great city of Hecatompylus 
and its territory \ Upon the breaking out of 

»» Polybiui give» the particuloni of it in his first hook. 

* Appian, i. p. 106. He is the same whuse party afterwanis appfian u 
the parly in opposition to that of Hannibal. It secmä ftoai Aptias, i, 348, 
that he w«s still alive at the cio&e of the secondi Roman war, and therefore 
must have reached a (peat age. This also accounts for hi$ piuty having 
attained so mucb strength. 

" PoLv». i» p. 180, IBL Dioi^oaus* ir, p. 565. Ik is lierc called a 
maa food of hmc laiid extra vugant enterpHsos. 


my CARTHAGINIANS. chaf. vin. 

the African war. he was at first appoioted ge- 
neral, but so greatly did he disappoint the ex- 
pectations which had been formed of him, that 
he brought the republic to the briok of ruia'. 
The blame of this war had been hitherto thrown 
by the magistrates upon Hamilcar Barca, from ■ 
his having made such large promises to the " 
mercenaries in Sicily; notwithstanding this, 
they now saw it necessary to have recourse to 
him, and accordingly appointed him com- 
mander with Hanno. His glorious deeds, how- 
ever, excited, in a short time, so much the 
jealousy of his colleague, that the senate soon 
became sensible, that the command must be 
left with one alone ; and that it might give no 
offence, it left the choice to the army, who 
decided in favour of Hamilcar. In consequence 
of this^ Hanno, for the present, was dismissed; 
but when Fortune a^ain turned her back upon 
the Carthaginians— when Utica and Hippo had | 
declared for the rebels, and one of the Cartha- 
ginian generals had been defeated and taken 
prisoner — they found it impossible to do with- 
out him. A particular deputation, therefore, i 
consisting of thirty of its members, was sent 
by the senate to promote a reconciliation 
between these two powerful men*", and this, 
being for the moment effected, a successful 
termination of the war was the happy c 

I PüLVft. i. p. 182, 184. 304. "• lbid< p« 21$. 

CHAP. Till- 




But the spirit of faction once raised, did not 
again die. The enemies of Hamilcar, who not 
only threw upon him the blame of the war, but 
also the loss of Sardinia, occasioned by it, 
attacked him formally, by commencing an im- 
peachment. In this danger Hamilcar sought 
the support of the people. He gained one of 
the firmest and most popular among them— his 
future son-in-law, Asdriibal ; he flattered the 
lower orders, and assembled round him a band 
of depraved and seditious men ". While he 
was in this manner forming for himself a party 
among the people, it happened that he w^as not 
only acquitted, but obtained moreover a com- 
mand in Africa (where about this time some 
commotions had broken out among the Numi- 
dians), at first conjointly with Hanno, but after- 
wards, on the restoration of tranquillity and 
recall of Hanno, he remained sole general*. 

The appearance of the first general of the 
republic on the stage as a leader of the people, 
must necessarily have given a violent shock to 
the whole fabric of government. The authority 
of the senate, hitherto unimpaired, and through 
it the whole existing aristocracy, received a 
blow which made it totter, and from which it 

■ DioDOno, 11* p. 567. An important pasiai^, 

• Appiak. i, p. 105» The passage of Appian ]e>v« il lull undeter- 
■i)Q«d, whether IlamilcaT'« impeachment during the war of the mercenaiiea 
happened before he obtaioed the command, B.C. 216, or two years later, 
at its close. By cümpariog the passage« of Diodorus, the latter »eems to 
fne tntat probable, though I am uncertain. WiUi regard to the f«cl iuel* 
the difference i» nf litlJe consequence. 



cuAV. rut. 

never completely recovered. Haoiilcar was, or 
threatened to become, the Marius of Carthage. 

In this maimer there became formed an aris- 
tocratic and a democratic party in the repubUc: 
the former that of the senate and optimales, or 
higher families, the latter that of the people. 
It was by the latter that the house of Barca'' 
was at first raised. Perhaps, however, this 
schism might not have been without remedy, 
or at least might not have produced the effects 
it did, if it had not given birth to a new project, 
the iinal consequences of which to the republic 
it is impossible to duly estimate. 

This project was the conquest of Spain ; and 
if history had not named Hamilcar as the first 
mover of it, his situation, at the time it ori- 
ginated, would have pointed the tinger of con- 
jecture towards him. There is however no 
contemporary circumstance where so little 
uncertainty prevails. Indeed, according to the 
clearest evidence, he undertook the expeditioD 
into Spain without the permission of the 
senate, and was only exculpated by its for- 
tunate results'". From this time the conquest 

i* I uio th» name because Roomo writers have used it before lot, 
although it i» improper. The name of Barca (fulmen) was the penooti 
iurbatne of IJamikar, and not that of a family, which were aot at all io 
u^ in Carthage ; but surnames, derived from particular attribiites» or even 
from the resemblance to certain animalsj were there very common. Thii 
alito shows that there was no proper family nobility at Carthage, whicb 
wiihout family names» cannot easily take root. 

•> The greatest proof of this is a pssage in Arpt&Nj i, p. 229. •• HaniJ* 
vas,'^ he »ays, " being accused by hit enemies for his bad toaDagettMBl irf 
the first war with ItomC;. rontrivcil to procure a command agalott tlw 

CHAP. vni. 


of Spain became the hereditary project of his 
family, and was the trut: foundation of its 

It is easy to trace how the situation of 
Hamilcar's affairs, at that time, might have 
directed his attention to this enterprise. He 
had the twofold character of general and 
demagogue to support at the same time ; and 
he must have soon discovered that great trea- 
sures, as well as glorious deeds, would be 
required to maintain his place at the head of 
his party. To the republic itself this important 
aggrandization must at the first glance have 
appeared highly desirable — perhaps even neces- 
sary. With its previous political state it could 
not be satisfied. A new maritime power, not 
having trade but conquest for its object, had 
established itself in the Mediterranean, and 
displaced theirs. Their dominion over the 
islands was overthrown ; Sicily and Sardinia, 
their best provinces, were lost. Where could 
they hope to find a better compensation for all 
these than in Spain, a country in which they 
had already formed many connections by their 
trade and their levies? If it be moreover true, — 
and as we have the express testimony of several 
writers, it scarcely admits of a doubt, — that 

nomads tn Africa, Iwfore aDswering for hi» former coaduct. In this war, 
by his good fortune, by booty, and gifts, he so won over the army, that he 
led it across Gades into Spain, without Icitve of the Carthagiiiiatis, whence 
he sent great trea^ures to Carthage, in order to gain the people. Thus he 
drfw tbe Carthaginians on by his ronque«i» and glory to desire the posses- 
«km of all Spain," 


Hamilcar already believed he here saw ih 
tneans of triumphantly renewing the struggle] 
with Rome, then we see how his private ii 
terest coincided with that of the republic. 

Notwithstanding all this, it is evident that 
the prosecution of this project shook the entire 
fabric of the republic to its foundation. Spain 
was the richest country of the then knowo 
world. How great must the power ofthat house 
have become which made this ancient Peru 
in a manner its province? What interest migiit 
it not obtain whenever it chose to cause iUm 
treasures to flow to Carthage? Could there ^ 
be much difficulty for it even to mount abov€ 
the rabble and form itself a party in the senate , 
itself, and in this manner to rule the republic» ■ 
while it undermined the constitution without ^ 
formally overthrowing it ? And what would 
have been able to hinder these generals from i 
effectually overthrowing it, as soon as they had 
formed for themselves there, — as Caesar did in ii 
Gaul, — an army entirely dependent upon them. 

That these apprehensions are not entirely i 
groundless, history proves by the clearest evi- I 
dence. As long as the Barcas ruled in Spain, 
so long did they rule the distant Carthage. 
During the nine years that Hamilcar had the 
command there, he found means, either by 
negotiations or force, to subjugate nearly the 
whole country. By its treasures he supported 
his influence; partly by enriching the state- 
treasury; but mostly by purchasing the affec- 

CHAP, rm. 



tions of the army, and keeping alive the spirit 
of his factions While thus the silver of Spain 
continued to flow toward» Carthage, nothing 
less could be expected, than that the posses- 
sion of this country would be of the highest 
consequence in the eyes of the people. Hamil- 
car did not live to see the execution of his 
final project ; but when he died, and his son- 
o-law Asdrubal succeeded him*, the for- 
idable power of the Barcine faction began to 
exhibit itself in an alarming manner. Asdrubal 
continued the faithful follower of his father-in- 
w's system in letting the wealth of Spain 
ow towards Carthage * ; but his plans in 
Spain were much more extensive. He built a 
new capital, with regal splendour", which re- 
ceived the name of New Carthage ; the richest 
silver mines were opened in its neighbourhood. 
He subdued the Spaniards rather by kindness 
than by force ; he married the daughter of one 
of their kings. And being by all the Spaniards 
acknowledged as their general-in-chief, he en- 
deavoured, according to the account of a con- 
temporary writer', to lay the foundation of an in- 

» B.C. 22Ö i ten years from the röinmencemcnr of (he second war with 

«• Dioi>oBUS. ii, p. 511 , cf. Polyb. iii, p. 206. StrabOj p. 220. The 
preheat Cartbii^na. 

» Namely* «f Fabius, in Folyb. i, p. 403. Fabiu», as Folybiaft sUte» 
it, ft&ys Aidtubai went to Carlbage after he bad obtaio^d the commAod 
in Spaiöj »ö ofckr to effect a. revolulion wliicb should place bin» at the bead 
i »täte. The leading iDfia however saw bis intention, and iioited 

272 CARTHACf INIANS, cmap. viu. 

dependent dnmiiiion in Spain, having previously 
made an unsuccessful attempt to cause a revo- 
lution in Cartha,2:e itself. After having govern- 
ed Spain for eight years, he fell under the 
stroke of an assassin ; and Hannibal, whom he 
had himself formed, was named as his successor» 
first by the army and afterwards by the senate. 
The opposite faction in Carthage, however, 
having found means to gain over the people, 
were desirous of bringing those persons to an 
account whom the bribes of Hamilcar and As- 
drubal had so much enriched?; upon which 
Hannibal, in order to maintain himself and his 
party, commenced with more haste the war 
against Rome, upon which he had already 

It is only from a due consideration of all 
these circumstances that we can judge of the 
rise and progress of the Barcine faction, and of 
the changes which it produced. At its origin 
it espoused the cause of the people ; but the 
wealth of Spain was sufficient to corrupt even 
many of the great, and with them a strong 
party in the senate, where, at the commence- 
ment of the second war with Rome, the Barcas 

together to preveot it^ whereupon he returned to SpaiD, and there, ^ 
troubling himself about tliescnate^ raade liimself sole master. The »ccouct 
of Fabius ii perhaps exaggerated» though there can be little doubt but it 
contftins much tliat is true, notwithstamdrng the severe, but to ne mf 
unsaiisfactof)', criticism of Polybius, which in fact does not refer W tbi* 
point but 10 auolhcr. We at least sue by it what confidence wa* pliM^ 
ID AsdrubaL 

1 Appmn. i, p. 109* 




evidently had a decided preponderance. The 
more however the partizans of that house were 
enriched, the more easy it was for envy to stir 
up the people for a time against it, till the 
heroic valour of Hannibal again put them to 

This flexible disposition of the party, is pre- 
cisely the most striking proof of the truth of the 
narrative ; for it is one of the grossest mistakes 
into which history can fall, to consider political 
parties, especially in republics, as constant and 
unchanging bodies ; though there is no more 
difficult task for the historian than to trace out 
their variations. 

From all this the truth and meaning of Poly- 
bius*s remark, that the Carthaginian govern- 
ment had degenerated before the commence- 
ment of the second war with Rome, by an 
increase of the power of the people, will be set 
in a just light". The senate at that time appears 
indeed as the ruling body ; but the senate itself 
was ruled by a faction, which relied upon its 
great favour with the people, though another 
party was always opposed to it, of which Hanni- 
bal the Great, till the end of the second war, 
seems to have been the leader. 

But the views and transactions of these two 
parties require a farther development as often 
as we change the point of view in which we 
consider them, since no other motive was given 

Poly», ti, p. 563, 564, 



I-HAP. Vltt. 

to the opponents of the Barcas, but mere envy 
at their greatness. 

According to the statements of all writers, 
the renewing of the struggle with Rome was 
the sole act and favourite project of the Barcas; 
and was connected in the closest manner with 
their other enterprise — the conquest of Spain, 
which they prosecuted with so much good 
fortune. Hence it was that the expedition 
came to be undertaken from this countrj*, 
whence they drew their chief supplies, and 
led by a general who had been trained to 
arms in this same country. Its great results 
are generally known. The glorious days of 
Thrasymene and Cannae seem to have surpassed 
the boldest hopes that could have been formed 
at Carthage. 

The natural fruits of these victories would 
have been a peace with Rome upon fair and 
moderate terms, which would have restored to 
the republic its lost possessions in Sicily and 
Sardinia. And in the eyes of such patriots of 
Carthage as did not desire a war of exter- 
mination, this wish appeared the more ex* 
cusable, as the republic, with all its efforts, 
could expect to obtain no immediate advantage 
beyond it. Every victory, liowever, instead of 
leading to peace, seems to have driven it to a 
greater distance. The more the fame of the 
Barcas was exalted by the war, the less did 
they wish for its conclusion ; and this is fully 
proved by the fact, that in the whole course of 





the war, previous to Scipio's invasion of Africa, 
there is not a single word said about a treaty'. 

How far this line of policy might be true or 
false, whether it was possible for Carthage 
and Rome to exist together or not, it is now 
unnecessary to discuss. But to those who 
would not regard the aggrandizement of the 
Barcas as the object of the war, the reflection 
will spontaneously arise, that the opposite 
party, from the manner in which they viewed 
affairs, might also be right, and might not act 
altogether from dishonourable motives, although 
they desired peace''. 

That it is in this way that the contest be- 
tween these two parties must be viewed, 
namely, one as clamorous for peace, the other 
desirous above all things to continue the war. 

• FoLTB. iii, p. 502. 

*> There will be found no clo^.r resemblauce lo live sirug^Je ol these 
two parlies io Carthage» ilnxn that uf ihe whi^s anil lories during the war 
of the Spanish succession io EuglancJ. Were not ihe latter juslifieil in 
wishing Tor {>eice, allliough Marlborough, al I he lieaij of tijt; whigs,, wm.s 
a^inst il ? This compturtson might be carneil stiU far^bf-r, and rould nor 
fail to l>« iitstnictiv^e if it were in pla^e here, I'erliaps there is not in his- 
tory a finer parallel than might be drawn between Ifaninibnl und Marl- 
borough, if a Plutarch couhl he foimd to do it justice. Their both con- 
lendiog for tea jBirs, upon a foreign $oil witliout being sulxhied wmihl 
aJooe be suthcient to justify the comparisoa« But much more striktug 
similarities ore fouiid in their general circuiuslances], in their bold eater- 
prlseSj in the formation of their heterogeneous armies *, in their muiderou» 
b«m.le<i, planned for aoailiilation ; in their comprehensive political activity; 
in their domiüioti over the men by whom they were surrounded ; in their 
unfortunate fate» ; aad, Indeed, even in their perhaps unique weakness, for 
both were unable to withstand the influent^e of gold. The prop«r and iu- 
tb«ntic key to HanniW» character is found in Polybius. lii, p. 144, as 
llie writer ohlainetl it from the month of Maininist«, at one rime the friend 
and fellow -warrior of the c^reat t'ailhaginian. 

T 2 

27« CARTHAGINIANS. chaf. vni. 

is clear from what is said by Livy*. A detailed 
history of this party-contention cannot be 
given for want of information. Neverthe- 
less we see that towards the end of the war, 
the party at that time for peace, and which in- 
deed Hannibal joined on his return to Africa, 
gained the upperhand in the senate; while a 
democratic party made use of, on the contrary, 
all the inüueoce it possessed, to frustrate the 
treaties already begun *^, 

But whatever change might have taken place 
in the character of these parties within them- 
selves, it is at least certain that the Barcine 
faction maintained a preponderance in the 
senate during the last years of the war; the 
usual opinion, therefore, that the opposition of 
Hanno crippled the progress of Hannibal, by 
his having sufficient influence to prevent his 
being supported in Italy, requires at least a 
good deal of confirmation to make it con- 

Reinforcements and supplies directly froro 
Africa did not at all enter into the immediate 
plan of the Carthaginian general. It was more 
particularly one of his great ideas, from the 
commencement of the war to the time he left 
Italy, that these should be supplied from 
another quarter, namely from Spain ; and the 
whole history of the war is taken in a wrong 
point of view if this be not duly considered. 

*^ See th« discourse of Haoao. Liv. jodii^ 12. 
'' Afpian. i, p. 346. 


The reasons why he expected to draw what 
assistance he should require from thence, may 
be detailed in a few words. Spain was the 
principal seat of the power and the resources 
of his house*; but, above all, it was the field in 
which his troops were trained to arms. As the 
war with Rome had never relaxed here, armies 
were here formed that were already accustomed 
to stand before the legions ; consequently they 
must have been infinitely superior to the raw, 
newly*raised levies from Africa, 

Hence, therefore, the great design of the 
Carthaginian general (to effect which he un- 
ceasingly laboured from the commencement of 
the war), that his brother Asdrubal should re- 
inforce him with a second army from Spain, 
whose place should be supplied by a body of 
troops from Africa, in order still to maintain 
a preponderance there against Rome ^ 

* Some estimate may be formed of tlie immeüse income which llie Darca 
family drew from Spain, from what I'liny relates of the produce of the 
mine Bebulus (»o aamed from its discoverer), dtuate near New Carthage, 
aod belonging to Hannibal. Pljn. ixiiii, 6. " Ex quibu» Bcbuio puteus 
appcllatur liodici]uc, qui ccc pondo HaioDibali sabmiuistravit in dies," 
That it, three huodr^ Romao pound» of silver, maktag about one hundred 
tboasafidl pounds n year. 

f Pro-rector Bfckeh, of Uazeburg, lo whom we are iudebted for a learned, 
treatise, introductory to a history of the second Punic war, ditTcre from me 
ID this and some other points. I confess that his arguments do not con- 
viDce me. I think it, however, best to (eave the matter to the reader'« 
judgment« as the question here is not of the events themselves, but of »he 
opinion formed respecting thetm ; and hero, perhaps, dilTerence of opinion 
may be ibe roott instructive. Concerning the main object in the eyes of 
iKe Cartbagioians, the iroportancB of the Spanish war (although perhaps 
originaJly Ijegun without their consent), and the piteaervation of ihat 



CHAP. mu. 

The truth of this remark appears evident» as 
well from the history of the war, as from the 
continual preponderance of the Barcas in the 
Carthaginian senate. The order to march 
towards Italy was sent to Asdrubal from Car- 
thage» immediately after the account had been 
received of the great victory of Cannae, and a 
new army to act in Spain was sent there under 
the command of Hamilco*. The Romacs, 
however, were aware of this design, and it was 
therefore the task of the two Scipios in Spain 
to hinder its execution. They did this at first by 
the victory near the Ebro^ whereupon Mago, 
the other brother of Hannibal, was sent into 
Spain by the Carthaginians even in the veryl 
same year, B. C. 215, with a strong reinforce- 
ment'. But the double victory of the Scipios 
near llliturgi, purchased them a continuance of 
the superiority \ The Carthaginians, never- 
theless, sent over a third army, under the com- 
mand of Asdrubal the son of Gisco ' ; while, 
just about the same time, another must have 
been sent, together with a fleet, to the assist- 
ance of the besieged Syracuse ""V The treble 
victorv of Munda, however, B, C. 214, enabled 

i-ountryp whicU 1 believe to tiave beea &nt brought to light in thtc 
iher« i* no ditfurenc« of opiaioD betwMn ns. 

fr Liv. xxiii, 27, 28. Ifi the year 216. They fenred the extBCUtioa ^ 
Ihii plan IVoi» the first victory of Hannibal. Polyb. i, p. 600. 

»" Liv, juciii. 29. ' Ibid, xxiii, 32. 

fc Ibid. Jiiiii. 49, " Ibid, xxiv, 4L 

'»' Ibidr xuiv, 35, 

1 th 


Scipio to maintain his ground\ After these 
bold and active operations, the struggle rather 
slumbered here for two years**, when the Ro- 
mans fell into the trap the Carthaginians had 
set for them, and the two Scipios were slain ^ 
(212). The victory gained by Marcius over 
the Carthaginians, and the still more important 
entrance of the younger Scipio into Spain in 
the next year, still delayed the execution of 
the plan; but as the Carthaginians founded 
eir only hopes of success upon its completion^ 
they prosecuted it with the more zeal for these 
hindrances^ and made the greatest preparations 
to reinforce the army of Spain, The victory of 
Scipio, and all his efforts, could not prevent 
its accomplishment ' ; Asdrubal crossed the 

« htw xxiv, 42. ** Ibid, xxv, 32. 

P Ibid. XXV, 35, 36. n Ibid, ixvii, 5. 

' An obscurity boyer? aver this point of bistury. both in Folybius aoil 
Livy, which ciiniiot but surprise every attentive reader. It must be al- 
lowed that Scipio committed one of the greatest military faultA in pertnil* 
ing^ this cxpeditioa of Asdnibal if it were In hi» power to prevent it. Al- 
dioagb he gained, according to Polvbiub» Hi, p. 280j a victory over As- 
drubalt he did not consider it prudent to follow bim to the Pyrencesi, 
whither he hai} tied with the remains of hi» army, and Asdrubal appears 
a flew monllis later, and after a rapid harassing march, with fifty-six thou- 
aaud men in Itjily. U not this enough to awaken )»oa:ie :»u»ptcioD respecting 
this victory 1 Is this suspicion set at rest by the writer'^ having a cause 
for touching upon thii subject as lightly as possible, which he knew would 
not be agreeable to the family of Scipio? He certainly states, a« a reason 
for Scipto's not following him, that he feared the two other Cartbaginiaa 
generaK; but does this free him from the reproach of having suffered him- 
self to be outreached by Asdrubal T But even in the account of Livy, the 
liaci bears a somewhat different appearance. He mentions, it is true, the 
victory of Scipio near Bscub (ixvii, 18, 19); but he states at the sauie 
time, that Asdrubal had made preparations before the battle lo march 
towards the Pyrenees; and that Scipio, although he wm advised to follow 



CHAP. niL 

Pyrenees and Alps with a numerous arroy; 
and had he not lost his life in Umbria. the 
fame of the deified Scipio might have been 
placed in a critical situation. 

Probably» from the course of this war> we 
may in some degree account for that decline of 
the maritime forces of the republic during it, 
which even ancient writers have considered as 
one of the main causes of its fall', and which 
nowhere appears more evident than in Scipio s 
crossing over to Africa without a fleet being 
sent out to oppose him. In the prosecution of 
their design the Barcas had but little occasion 
for a navy, it had held therefore only a se- 
condary place ; and the powerful exertions 
which the land service cost, perhaps rendered 
it impossible to maintain the other upon an 
equal footing. 

him, thought it sufficieiit to occupy the mountain passes with t bodjr of 
troops (kivü, 20). Appian» however (i, p. 135). place» these events ia i 
much clearer tight. According- to his account, Scipio, bofore the iü6 
battle, wais in a. very perilous siluaiiou. The battle, the issue of whkl 
loog rettiBiaed doubtful, but üually decided fur Scipio, helped him out (rf 
this; M'olybius, therefore, certainly might, without lieing false to liisnarfi 
ascribe the victory to Scipio). But A«drubal had« before this, rattsed 
numerous levies to be raised oa the northera cooätü ; and, deceiving Scipttf« 
he suddealy turned thitberv^ard, aod, with the troopa Uiere as»enb)ed, 
crofised the Pyrenees. To none of the geuerals of tliat period bos !•(» 
justice been done than to AsdrubaL A fair character of him muv be fonKi 
in DioDOKus, ii, p. 669 ; where he is said Lo be, withaat dispute, ibefinii 
geneml, after his brother Hannibal. He is ranked, moreover« nest U>h>iD 
as well as Mafo, Hannibal's younger brother by Polvuiob, üi, p. 138> 
History nirety exhibits a similar race of heroes! They are mighty BiO* 
They raok loo high to be ob&cured by centuries. 
* AyvtAtt, i, p. 310, 




However this may have been, what we have 
above said will sufficiently answer the question 
how this party spirit first arose. And it is, 
properly, upon t/iis- question that the fall of 
every republic usually depends. A nation 
united in itself is unconquerable ; but the most 
mighty people become an easy prey to their 
enemies when the spirit of faction prevails over 

How violent this spirit must have been 
during the second struggle with Rome, is 
plainly shown by the deep degeneration of the 
government at its close. The relation of Livy, 
partial as it is to his own country, leaves no 
doubt on this head\ According to him, a 
powerful body of the republic, which he calls 
the order of judges, bad usurped a tyrannical 
authority, and exercised a despotic power 
over the goods and persons of the citizens". 

* Liv. xxviij, 46. 

" Oniojtuiieum, In cjcplaiDing üits passage of Livy, much, in couic- 
quence of his making use of Roman applbUons, must be left to con- 
j«cluT«. 1 iheiefore beg that my view of it may he taken in this light. 
Two things nrc certain. First: llie crditjudictim was a hiRh stale and po- 
lice tribunal ; secondly : Hannibal was al the bead of it (praetor for^nn, aeil. 
judictim factttft)» I take il IhercForc to be tlie vnntnmüirate, or gernMia 
(see above^ p< 122), wbicb arose out nf the aLBarchy» and usurped a lyrao* 
nical power» Id the gn'nisia the &ui|bte& enjoyed the presidency. IMie 
expression pnrtor, tbcrefore, stands here cither for auffes» or we roust sup- 
pose it to mean an extniordinary magistrate, a sort of dictator, yet not of 
the warrior kind, which, under the extraordinory circumstance» of the 
period, would not be »urpri^iu^. Al alt events, Hannibal stood as chief 
megistrate at the head of the icpubhc. As such he cited the qmtsityv be- 
fore him, who could t>e no other than tlic first niiaister of finance. He 
did not» however, obey him, vn he was certain, after his qu(c«lorshipt, to be 
brought intn the ordo judieumt tlic centufuviratft According to Aristotle 



CHAP. vtir. 

Its members held their places for life, and as 
they appointed the ministers of the treasury, 
they had that in their interest. Frora what we 
know of the Carthaginian constitution, this 
order of judges was most probably the council 
of the hundred, which in this stormy period 
found the best opportunity of founding a reign 
of terrors, — the fruit usually brought forth by 
the riot of taction. When Hannibal became 
head of the commonwealth, he annihilated these 
abuses by a twofold reform: as he made the 
offices of the centumvirate annual instead of 
for life, and regulated the management of the 
treasury. But even the&e reforms nourished 
the spirit of faction, as Hannibal thereby made 
all those his enemies who had fed upon the 

(lee &bo¥e, ji. 127), when tbey lefi the pmtarchie% ihey became memben 
of tho centumvtrate. It s«ems. therefüie, highly probable, that the <{ucstot 
wa» chief of the pentarchy which directs) the afTairs of llie trcwwiy. 
Iliii agrees wilh what we learn from Aristflile (see above, p. 127), ihit 
whea peraons kft the peatarelnes they eoiered inlo the genista. Haaiu- 
bal's reform cotisisled of two objects. First, in making the duration of 
the office of the members of ihe cenlumvirate yearly instead of for life, 
which broke the oligarchic power of thi» assembly ; and secondly, by re- 
forming the abuse«» of the treasury ; partly by rig^idly eDforcinf the pajmeot 
of the arrears, and partly by restoring to the slate that which belonged M 
it. This iiiLcrpretatioD seems to me to agree best, not only with the words 
of Livy, but also with all we know of the Carthaginian goverament in die 
better dap of the republic. The identity of the gvrusia and centumTinte 
as a high state tribunal, is also, according to my judgment, confirmed bf t 
passage in Livv, xxxiv, 61 . " When, says he, the suifetes ware tctM* 
in order to administer justice (ad Jus dkeiulum), the note of Aristo (tht 
private agent, who had tied, of Hannibal), was found [Kjsted up in their 
seats, stating that his commission was not to private persons, hvHad tnwrm 
(ita i*nalum votant)," therefore to the gernsia, of which ihc Stifet«. to 
order to administer justice, were the presidents. For whci«. except tnlbu 
astcmbty, could the nole mentioDed be more properly fixed up > 

CHAP, vin. 


public; and the stipulations of the last peace 
with Rome were not suffered to die away. 

In the decline of free states every misfortune 
becomes doubled, as it scarcely ever fails to 
reanimate the fury of parties. Mortified pride 
seeks for revenge; and the guilt of unsuccess- 
ful war, and humiliating peace, is hurled from 
one party to the other. Their mutual hate is 
thus not only increased, but becomes greater 
than their hate to the most haughty foe ; and 
thus becomes explained the melancholy though 
in history ever- varying phenomenon, that it 
becomes easy for the enemies of such a state 
to form themselves a party, by which they gain 
intelligence of all its designs. 

This melancholy phenomenon showed itself 
at Carthage, in its fullest extent, after the 
second peace with Rome. A Roman party, 
first formed by the opponents of Hannibal, 
performed the ortice of continual spies for that 
republic*. The expulsion ofthat great man, 
who in the afflictions of his country showed 
himself above all party spirit, was their work, 
and is the best proof of their strength and their 
blindness. Who could supply his place? 

But the last peace with Rome contained, by 
the relation in which it placed Masinissa with 
Carthage, a condition which seems not less 
to have contributed to the internal disorder. 
In him the republic clearly saw a neighbour 

* Liv, xxiui, 47. 



CHAP. VI ri. 

and overseer, who by the help of the Romans, 
sought to aggrandize himself at its expense: 
and who at last snatched away the best portion 
of its territory, the rich district of Enaporia^ 
He also found means to buy himself a party in 
Carthage, which at last became so daring that 
they were driven from the city, and thereby 
gave occasion to that unfortunate war which 
consummated the fall of Carthage. 

There certainly stood opposed to these fac- 
tions, as might be expected, a party of patriots*, 
who by bringing to remembrance the happy 
days of the lime gone by, strove to recall them. 
It seems never however to have found a leader 
worthy of that rank*'; and plain traces show, 
than in its opposition to inconsiderable matters 
it became irritated, and instead of helping the 
good cause rather increased its difficulties'. 

This violence of factions, the accurate detdl 
of which must be left to a proper history of 
Carthage, continued with little mterruption 
from HannibaFs exile to the overthrow of the 
republic. The life of Masinissa seemed as if it 

J Patva, iv, p. 547. 

* Appian. I, p. Sd'l, No other writer bat» ao accurately desmliol the 
outrage» wliicJi i'artttagc had lo endure from Ma&iuis&a. 

* These three factions are diitinguished and described by Aprtiiw, it 
p, 390, The immense population of the city, whirli, cvco in its Hltat 
periixU, is estimated at seven hundred ihouAand, must have mad« the c<io- 
teution of these factions dreadful. 

■' Compare Polybius'n portraiture of the last Carthagloiaa gtaenl. As- 
drubalj iv, p. 701. 

*^ Compare ^Mhai l/ivy says of GUco the son of Ilaniilcar. tpitMh I» 


would never close; and his pretensions in- 
creased with his years. In the Roman senate 
a party was formed, principally by the offended 
purity and hateful passions of the elder Cato, 
whose watchword was the annihilation of Car- 
thage to which the renewal of hostilities 
soon led. 

The last struggle of the unfortunate republic 
requires no commentary. It was the struggle 
of a giant in despair, who, certain of destruc- 
tion, would not fall ingloriously. How many 
and what causes had long been working to- 
gether to render this fall at last unavoidable, it 
has been the object of the foregoing work to 
develop ; and the close of this great tragedy 
confirms the observation, that Rome trusted 
to itself and its sword — Carthage to its gold and 
its mercenaries. The greatness of Rome was 
founded upon a rock ; that of Carthage upon 
sand and gold-dust. 




Geographical Survey of the Ethiopian Nations, 



Herodotus, in, 114. 

NTiL we can obtain fuller and better in- 
formation respecting the nations of inner Africa, 
there must necessarily remain several wide 
gaps in the history of our race, whose number 
and greatness it will perhaps be impossible 
to estimate correctly until these shall have been 
filled up. This observation may be applied 
indifferently to the moral and physical state of 
man. Africa, from its situation, naturally con- 
tains the greatest variety of the human race, in a 
physical point of view ; and it may be fair to 
conjecture, from that very circumstance, that 
the moral differences are equally numerous. 

He who wishes to examine the influences of 
climate on nature, and particularly on the 
outward figure and colour of man, will find 
Africa the only quarter of the world which 
offers him an unbroken chain from almost the 
highest to the lowest grade of civilization. 
Neither Europe nor Asia contain continents 





which reach to the equator ; in America various 
causes concur to weaken the influence of cli- 
mate'; besides which European policy has 
taken so much pains since its discovery, to ex- 
terminate and corrupt the aboriginal tribes, 
particularly the better and more cultivated, that 
the philosopher is deprived of the materials most 
worthy of, and which would best repay, his at- 
tention. Australasia, and the newly-discovered 
islands of the South-sea, are only so many links 
of a chain everywhere torn asunder. Africa, 
on the contrary, forms of itself one immense 
whole ; one continent, which arisinc^ under the 
temperate zone, stretches, without losing much 
of its width, across the line, and finally tapers 
off almost to a point, in the temperate zone of 
the southern hemisphere. This vast tract is 
everywhere sown with nations, which, like the 
various kinds of corn before the introduction of 
husbandry, have sprung up in various shapes, 
under the fosterintr hand of nature alone, and 
ripened towards civilization. 

The inhabitants of the northern coast differ 
but little in colour and form from the Europeans; 
but the difference gradually becomes more 
striking ; as we approach the equator, the colour 
darkens, the hair becomes more woolly, ehe 
profile undergoes a remarkable change, and 
man at last becomes altogether a Negro, Be- 
yond the equator, the figure and swarthy 
colour of this unhappy race are again lost in 





successive gradations. The Caflres and Hot- 
tentots seem to have, from what we know of 
them, much of the negro nature, without how- 
ever being completely Negroes**. 

AH the innumerable varieties of form there- 
fore found in the human species, and every 
shade of colour from the white to the negro, 
are exhibited before us on the vast scene of 
Africa, and certainly there only in an unin- 
interrupted series. How different then will 
this important branch of natural history ap- 
pear, when the labours of capable travellers 
shall have given us, by their drawings, de- 
scriptions, and researches, such an accurate 
and scientific detail of these variations, as shall 
enable us to form a true idea of these succes- 
sive and gradual changes, of which, up to the 
present time, taking into our account even the 
latest discoveries, we know scarcely any thing 
more, than that they justify us in drawing the 
above general inferences. 

The additions likely to be made from these 
sources to our knowledge of the great families 
of mankind, both in a moral and psychological 
point of view, are perhaps yet more consider- 
able. But we still require better information 
of what man is, and may become, in those re- 
gions. For which shall we take as our standard ? 
Not I hope those unfortunate beings who, 
torn from their country, their friends, and from 
all those associations which att'ect the lieart of 

•* ikuMiNBACK'si Ntüurat lihlorif, i, p. 56. 

I' 2 


CBAP. h 

a Negro, groan beyond the ocean under the 
tyranny of the European, whose lash would soon 
suppress every development of mind, which, in 
spite of his cruelty, mi^ht show itself. — Or shall 
we take it from the report of travellers ? Our 
circle of information has certainly been en- 
larged by them during the last ten years, and 
adventurers have pressed forward from the 
north, from the west, and from the south, yet 
the most persevering of them have been un- 
able to reach Tombucioo, or any other large 
inland town where the civilization of these 
nations has reached a higher point ; or if they 
have reached it, we still lack any thing like 
accurate information respecting it*^. What 
however we have learned from Leo Africanus, 
and from Mungo Park and his successors, justly 
excites our admiration, though it is far from 
satisfying our curiosity. What a picture of rising 


^ The Idlest kaown iravtiUerx, Denham and Cllljlp«rtDQ, startitii^ Om 
the north coast, have peDotrateil as far as 10" N. lat ; from Ihe Cape of 
the soutli ilie nibsionsy-ies Itave pushed into the neighbourhood of Cbt 
snuihera tropics, tnto tbe country of ihe Bitschuances ; where the aJvafiOl 
of a niighly nomad people, the Mantalis, from tbe heart of Africn io tht j 
year 1823. will probably prevcnl the farther progress of discovery for » 
perio<l. The particulars of ifii» may be seen in the South African Ja 
No. I, for Jaatiary 1624, published at the Cape. The war wilh 
Ashatitees has also interrupted the progress from the west, hlo Europe^ 
has yet seen the sources of the Joliba, 

[Since the publication of the original Cermao of this work» our iiQib(> 
tunate coucttrymaa, major Laiiig, und the French adventurer. CailH^, ha«t 
penetrated to Toitibuctoo ; but the rrtiel murder and robbery of the foniMf- 
and the limited talents of the latter, render the additions made to our «tac* 
d1 iu4\>nnation much le&s intcre&titig than might have been expected. The?» 
with the recentdiscovery of the Ihx of the /oribainto the sea, «i« nolitf' 
in Appeudijc, ix. Trnmiator.} 





cultivation did Park catch a glaoce of in the 
neighbourhood of Seego, on the banks of the 
Joliba ! The great question respecting the rise 
and first formation of states, which hitherto has 
been little more than an object of speculation» 
seems here likely to become historically an- 
swered. Religion, legislation, national law, 
all appear here in their infancy, but still in a 
great variety of changing shapes, and show in 
as many ways their influence upon these still 
uncultivated people*^* The great machinery, 
such as general emigrations, vast conquests, 
either by rude or civilized nations, suddenly- 
arising and far-spreading systems of religion, 
which have at one time accelerated, and at 
others abruptly retarded the progress of civili- 
zation in other quarters of the globe, seem 
to have had much less efi'ect in the interior of 
Africa, The propagation of the Mahometan 
religion, which has penetrated as far as the 
countries on the Niger, is perhaps the only 
external shock that these nations have received, 
and this, though it certainly has had some ef- 
fect, has produced no rapid or remarkable con- 
sequences. All here is left to itself, and moves 
along in the slow, but certain course of nature. 
Except the Egyptians, there is no aboriginal 
people of Africa with so many claims upon our 

•* Those, for example, who would learn the origin of republic», or would 
wish to see the growth of tnyitrries and teeret tribunaU^ may contuk 
Oolukiikt's account of ihe mstitutioo of the Purrsih among the Foulahi. 
[The author here alludes to tho Fthm^ifnchu. an institution peculiar lo 
Wes«pUaiia, aud maile use of by sir Walter ScoU in Anne of Oiefslcin,| 



cnar 1. 

attention as the Ethiopians ; from the remotest 
times to the present, one of the most celebrated 
and yet most mysterious of nations. In the 
earliest traditions of nearly all the more civilized 
nations of antiquity, the name of this distant 
people is found. The annals of the Egyptian 
priests were full of thera ; the nations of inner 
Asia, on the Euphrates and Tigris, have inter- 
woven the fictions of the Ethiopian with their 
own traditions of the conquests and wars of 
their heroes ; and, at a period equally remote, 
they glimmer in Greek mythology. When 
the Greeks scarcely knew Italy and Sicily by 
name» the Ethiopians were celebrated in the 
verses of their poets: *'they are the remotest 
nation, the most just of men ; the favourites of 
the gods. The lofty inhabitants of Olympus 
journey to them, and take part in their feasts; 
their sacrifices are the most agreeable of all 
that mortals can ofler them*/' And w^hen the 
faint gleam of tradition and fable gives way to 
the clear light of history, the lustre of the 
Ethiopians is not diminished. They still con- 
tinue the object of curiosity and admiration; 
and the pen of cautious, clear-sighted historians, 
often places them in the highest rank of know- 
ledge and civilization. 

To what shall we attribute this early renown 
of one of the most distant nations of the earth ? 
How did the fame of its name penetrate the 

• Sec tU tlic pM&age& where Homer speaks of the Elbtoptanft. id "• 
inpk, Oc/yii. i. v. 23, etc. 

CHAP, r 



terrible desert which surrounds it, and, even 
still, forms an almost insuperable bar to all who 
would approach it? To suppose all the above 
particulars the mere oöspring of the poet*8 
imagination, will scarcely be allowed by any at 
all acquainted with the nature of early tra- 
ditions. But if they were more than this, if 
the reports respecting this people were founded 
in truth, then the above questions become of 
the greatest importance to ancient history, and 
have the stronger claim to our attention ; as 
no one yet, within the circle of ray knowledge, 
has at all satisfactorily answered them* 

A great many nations, different and distant 
from one another, are comprised under the 
nanie of Ethiopian. It would at once distract 
the mind to consider them as one nation, or 
even as one race. The study of the natural 
y history of man was but little cultivated in an- 
■.iiquity; nations were distinguished according 
" to the most remarkable difterence in their ap- 
pearance, namely, their colour ; and thus all 
those who were strikingly distinguished from 
Europeans by a very dark, or completely black 
skin, received the general appellation of Ethio- 

After these remarks it will not seem strange 
that we find Ethiopian nations scattered over a 
great part of the ancient world. Africa cer- 
tainly contained the greatest number of them, 
yet they were not the only inhabitants of this 
part of the world, nor were they confined to it 



CHAF. 1* 

alone, A considerable tract of Asia was oc- 
cupied by an Ethiopian race; and as India was 
often made to comprise southern Africa, so, in 
like manner, Ethiopia is frequently made to 
include southern India. It is of great import- 
ance to the general scope of this inquiry, that 
we should show somewhat more accurately, 
the extent and variety of the seats of these 
nations. It is, in the meantime, scarcely ne- 
cessary to notice, that, of the ancient writers, 
only the more eminent historians and geogra- 
phers can find a place here; as what we at- 
tempt will be rather a general geographical 
outline, than a detail of particulars. 

They agree, for the most part, in dividing 
the native tribes of Africa into two distinct 
classes, the Libyans and the Ethiopians. 
** Thus much I know," says Herodotus \ '* four 
nations occupy Africa, and no more ; two of 
these nations are aboriginal, and two not. The 
Libyans and Ethiopians are aboriginal ; the 
former lying northward, and the latter south- 
ward, in Libya; the foreign settlers are Phoe- 
nicians and Greeks." This division will be 
found exactly followed by succeeding writers; 
although they are not very accurate in the u»e 
of names. And, notwithstanding we should 
grant that no essential distinction of races is 
here pointed at, yet it is at least evident, thai 
the inhabitants of the north and the southern 

' HtRoii, IV, 197. 

CHAP. t. 




parts of northern Africa, are so distinguished 
from one another, and particularly by the 
colour of their skin, that they considered them 
as entirely diflerent races. 

The father of liistory, therefore, as well as 
the other Greek writers, comprised under the 
ifame of Libyans', all the nations which they 
knew in northern Africa without the terri- 
tory of the Carthaginians and Greeks, as well 
as the separate tribes, which, as far as the 
Lesser Syrtis, Herodotus has so carefully en- 
numerated ^ ; and the nomad tribes of western 
north Africa, which later writers have rescued 
from obscurity, equally belong to them*. The 
first important (piestion, therefore, that pre- 
Isents itself, is, who were these nations, and 
are any of their descendants now to be found ? 
Since the migratory invasions of the Arabs, 
north Africa has been so much changed, with 
regard to its inhabitants, that this question 
cannot be answered without great difficulty. 
These conquerors have, by partly living in 
towns, and by the pastoral life of the far greater 
number, spread themselves over every part of 
northern Africa, where they are now comprised 
under the name of Moors ^ Their tribes wander 

r The Efyptians, of coumc, are not included in this remark, as their 
country wa& not usually considered a& forming pari, of Libya. I'his also 
applie« to the Arab Lribes, who, as will hereafter bo shown, migrutßd to 
the east coast of Africa and Ethiopia at a very eaily period. 

b See altovCi p. 33> 38. 

» Seo above, p. 254. 

k This name is ofteo improperly applied to all the inhabilanU ol uoi- 
Ihcrn Afrira, t#i flisfingui&l* thtm from the Negroes^ but it can onl. 



CHAf . I. 

over the vast tracts between the Mediterranean 
sea and the Senegal and Joliba ; and are no- 
torious as a nation for their savage barbarity 
and religious fanaticism. It has, however, for 
a long time been ascertained that they certainly 
are not the only inhabitants of these extensive 
regions. Even early travellers' distinguish from 
them a race known by the name of Berbers, 
who dwell in the southern provinces of Bar- 
l)ary and Morocco, and especially in the Atlas 
mountains, whither they have been pressed 
back by the progress of the conquering Arabs» 
as they had previously been by the Vandals*. 
But the recent discoveries in Africa have thrown 
a new light upon this circumstance, or at least 
changed the thick darkness in which it was en- 
veloped into a glimmering twilight. Without 
then attempting to prove their common de- 
scent, or relationship, I shall comprise under 
the name of Berbers all the aboriginal tribes of 
northern Africa beyond Egypt, from the At- 
lantic sea to the Arabian gulf, in opposition to 
the Moors and Negroes. This survey will be 

rectly be us«! to distinguish iho Arab trib«s in Afne^ from lUe noilli Cf««* 
to Sabara. who arc likewiso known by their language. 

• See the narratives of Hoest, Suaw, etc. 

™ We leafD from Procopitus, Dr Bella V'andatico, thai lb«y altcroptP*^' 
in the time of the Vandals, tu regain possessiion of their lost territorte»- 
To seek for a Carthafinian or Vaudal race now« however, iq ib« laiitöit 
fif Africa, would be a* friiille*« an untlertakmg a» it would be ta&h to deaj 
that Phccniciaa or German blood hai not mixed with Uio native iribo» 
which perhap« has even had some influence npon their colour. Tlw «f* 
rount we shall presently give of the Tuaricks may probnblv conArm tbt« 




facilitated by our separating the western half 
from the eastern. 

The narratives of Hornemaon" and Lyon 
have now made us acquainted with two nations 
in the western countries altogether different 
from the Arabs and Negroes : we mean the 
Tibboos and Tuaricks, botli of whom, from 
their widely extended places of abode, and 
especially the latter, demand our consider- 
ation. They dwell, says Hornemann, to the 
south and west of Fezzan ; their territory 
being bounded on the south-east by Bornou, 
on the south by the Negro countries, and on the 
west by Fez and Morocco. Settlements of 
them, however, are to be met with in Fezzan 
itself, in Augila and Siwah, in which places 
the language of the Tuaricks is the proper lan- 
guage of the inhabitants. They are, indeed, 
divided into many tribes, but all speak the 
same language, which is entirely different from 
the Arabic, The proofs of this which have 
been sent to England have led to a very im- 
portant consequence, as it has been found by 
comparison to be exactly the same as that 
spoken by the above-mentioned Berbers in the 
Atlas mountains**; so that no doubt can remain 
but that these and the Tuaricks are one and 
the same people. With regard to their colour, 
though it certainly is not exactly the same in 
some of the tribes, yet the difference seems in 

« HoR?l£MAKN, p. 129— 13'2, 

lliG compariion mtdc hy Mars^cn. lIon\LMAM>r, p. 2.V1 



out* I 

a great measure to depend upon their place of 
abode and their manner of living; and» pro- 
perly speakinpr, they are but mere variations of 
the tint, which, owing to these causes, is some- 
times lighter, and sometimes darker. The 
western branch of this race are white, so far as 
the climate and their habits will allow it. 
Others are of a yellow cast, like the Arabs; 
others again swarthy; and in the neighbour- 
hood of Soudan there is said to be a tribe com- 
pletely black. Their lineaments, nevertheless, 
have nothing in them of the negro kind. The 
Mahometan religion has been introduced among 
them, but has not been very generally adopted: 
paganism mostly prevails. They usually lead 
a nomad life, though some have fixed abodes; 
they are slimly made, and rather above than 
under the common height. Their moral cha- 
racter is favourably spoken of, and they would 
probably become, if their natural talents were 
better cultivated and enlightened, one of the 
6rsl nations of the world. Commerce is their 
principal occupation; their caravans ply be- 
tween the Negro countries and Fezzan; and 
the principal city of the latter country, other- 
wise desolate and lonely, becomes enlivened al 
their arriv^al. 

These particulars are confirmed and extended 
by captain Lyon, who observed the Tuaricb^ 

I* tslarrathv, p. 1(^8 — 112. Compare hU plates, ten and elevtü, mha* 
ihcy aje reprcscnk'd in ilietr costume and fmery. The cttsiom of ^ 




at Fezzan. He says they are the finest race of 
men he ever saw ; tall, straight, and hand- 
some, with a certain air of independence and 
pride, which is very imposing. They are ge- 
nerally white ; the dark brown of their com- 
plexions only being occasioned by the heat of 
the climate. Their arms and bodies are as fair 
as many Europeans. They certainly are whites 
though somewhat tanned. Their costume is 
composed of cotton ; and they are very partial 
to blue and striking colours, especially the 
merchants, who generally dress very gaudily 
while in the towns. They all wear a whip, 
hanging from a belt passed over the left 
shoulder. Their weapons are a long sword 
L^d a dagger, without which no Tuarick is 
^ver seen, and a long elegant spear, highly orna- 
mented, and sometimes made entirely of iron. 
Their language is the Breber, or original Af- 
rican tongue, still spoken in the mountains 
behind Tunis, in some parts of Morocco, and 
at Sockna, where it is called Ertäna. They 
are very proud of its antiquity. They are 
Moslems; but their knowledge of religion very 
often consists in a mere form of prayer. They 
inhabit that immense tract found in our maps 
under the name of Sahara, or the great desert, 
and are of numerous tribes, some of whom 
wander like the Arabs, and subsist by plunder. 

the lower part of the couuteoaDce, from the nose downwards, senes as a 
protection froin »he sand and the hot wimi, 



CM Ar. I 

They travel on the maherri, or dromedary, 
with which they perform incredibly swift jour- 
neys. Many of their tribes are in perpetual 
war with the Soudan states, from whom they 
carry of!" an immense number of slaves, the 
principal article of their trade. The nearest 
place of the Tuaricks is ten days' journey to 
the south of Morzouk. 

It is therefore evident that even still an ex- 
tensive people, quite distinct from the Arabs 
and the Negroes, is scattered over the greater 
part of northern Africa, and that the chief part of 
the commerce of inner Africa is in their hands. 
History is silent respecting the migration of any 
such nation into Africa; and everything tends to 
prove them aboriginal. Their habits and their 
business bear a striking resemblance to thai 
of the Libyans of old : and their seat would 
strll have been the same, if powerful conquerors 
had not driven them from the sea coasts, and 
compelled them to purchase their liberty and 
independence by a retreat into the innermost 
parts of the desert. Can any one doubt after 
this that these Tuaricks are the descendants of 
the ancient Libyans ? Perhaps it only requires 
a more accurate knowledge of them than it has 
yet been possible to obtain, to confirm many of 
the little traits which Herodotus relates con- 
cerning them, and, among others, the reason oi 
his regarding them as more healthy than the 
the rest of world **. 

1 Heroo. iv, 187. 

t^HAP. I, 



The Tibboos frequently mentioned, are, in 
^^ry respect, a different people from the Tua- 
ricks^ in their appearance, their manner of 
living, and their language. Their colour is of the 
brightest black; but their profile has nothing 
of the negro character^; they have aquiline 
noses, fine teeth, and lips formed like those of 
Europeans. In the matter of civilization they 
are below the Tuaricks, living partly in caves, 
and partly in villages upon barren rocks 
or hills, in order to escape being plundered by 
the Tuaricks and Fezzanese, who carry them 
off as slaves. They follow the slave trade, 
however, themselves, but do not trade to 
Soudan, The female sex are well made, and, 
like the Negroes, love dancing.— By thus com- 
paring the Tuaricks and Tibboos I am almost 
led to conjecture that the population of the 
former has spread from north to south, and the 
latter from south to north. To draw an accu- 
rate line between the ancient Libyans and 
Ethiopians would be as difficult a task as it 
would be between the present Negro tribes and 
the Moors and Tuaricks. It is certainly very 
probable that the southern boundaries of the 
great desert may in general be taken as the 
limits of the Negro countries ; yet it is equally 
certain, that separate black tribes, either com- 
pletely Negro or not, have penetrated, both 
in ancient and modern times, a considerable 

NoTTäiivt» p. 225, et£. 



CHAr. I 

way into tlie great desert, According to the 
statement upon Lyon's map, the black popu- 
lation begins under the 28^ N. Lat. The fact 
mentioned by Herodotus, of the Ethiopian« 
being hunted by the Garamantes in four-horse^ 
chariots', and the separate tribes of thera, 
dwelling along the Atlantic coast, almost af 
far as Cerne\ prove it to have been the same 
in early times; and it has already been re- 
marked, from the narratives of modern travel- 
lers, that in the Tibesti mountains, the very 
same territory where the Garamantes hunted 
the Ethiopians, black people were, or even stili 
are to be found''. If the numerous intermin?- 
lings of the various tribes, which here must 
necessarily have taken place, be taken into 
consideration, the impossibility of placing an 
accurate boundary line between the Libyans 
and Ethiopians will easily be perceived. 

I shall now turn from the western natioos 
of north Africa, to the eastern ; to the in» 
habitants of the banks of the Nile above Egypl 
and the adjacent countries, as far as the 
Arabian gulf; in order to throw some light 
upon what the ancients have said concerniiig 
them. As their country in general is comprised 
under the name of Ethiopia, the name has 
been transferred to its inhabitants ; and they 
are called Ethiopians because their colour 
happens to be dark, without respect to their 

• Hbrod. iv, 163. » ScYLAX, p, 54. 

« HOUNBIf AMN, p. 126, SLDll LvON, h C, 




descent. Bat all writers have not expressed 
themselves with equal accuracy. 

Herodotus is the first who fairly claims our 
attention. His accounts here, as well as every- 
where else, show the deep inquirer and the 
keen observer. He distinguishes the Ethiopians 
according to the growth of their hair, and par- 
ticularly the proper Negroes* from the other 
swarthy tribes. ** The eastern Ethiopians in 
Asia,' he says, ** have straight hair ; while the 
African Ethiopians have the most curly hair 
of all men'." The father of history, however, 
is mistaken in speaking thus of all the black 
tribes of Africa. All these are not Negroes ; a 
considerable number is found there, who, like 
those of Asia, have straight hair, notwithstand- 
tug the black hue of their skins. We liave 
already had some proofs of this assertion, and 
shall see more as we proceed ; but Herodotus 
decided according to what he saw of them in 
Upper Egypt, the most southern point of his 

I travels. 
I Herodotus has not distinguished the separate 
bribes of these nations, according to their geo- 
^aphical situation, with so much accuracy as 
mter geographers; he describes them in a ge- 
neral way as the inhabitants of southern Africa. 
He only distinguishes the Macrobians, and the 
inhabitants of Meroc, to whom we shall by and 

* By proper Ne^oea I underatajid the Ulack people with woally hair, aiut 
the weU-knowa Negro pmlile. 
t^ lie: ROD. vit, 70. 




. I, 


by return We are left without more mi- 
nute information till we come to the writers! 
who flourished durine^ the period of the Ptole- 
meys, when Me have some fragments of Era- 
tosthenes and Agatharchides, which Diodorus, 
Strabo, and others have preserved to us. I 

We are indebted, however, to Herodotus for 
one important piece of information, which, 
notwithstanding the many changes that have 
taken place, suits as well in the present day a$ 
in his time. 

The eastern districts of north Africa, above 
Egypt, from the Nile to the Arabian gulf, 
which we now comprise under the names of 
Nubia and Sennaar, were even then occupied by 
two different races; one aboriginal, which he in- 
cludes under the general appellation of Ethio- 
pians, and the other an immigratory Arabian 
race, leading for the most part a wandering 
roving life. That such was the case in the 
Persian period, and certainly as far back as 
the Pharaohs, is evident from what we are 
told of the army >of Xerxes, whom they must 
have attended in his expedition into Greece. 
Here we find the Ethiopians and Arabians 
above Egypt associated under the same com- 
mander'. But to what extent this spreading 
of the Arabians went on in later times we 
learn from a passage which Pliny has presence«! 
of the Description of Africa by Juba the 


' Ur »(111, vii, 69. 

CHAP. ]. 




Numidian king, and contemporary of Augustus. 
According to his account» the banks of the 
Nile, from Philae to Meroe, were occupied 
by Arab tribes, ditFerent from the Ethiopians*. 
We shall soon see how exactly this statement 
tallies with that of the latest travellers. 

It would however be equally difficult to draw 
a precise line between the Arabian and aborig- 
inal nations here, as it would be between the 
Negroes and Berbers in western Africa. The 
Arabian tribes have not only dwelt in the 
country above two thousand years, and there- 
fore long before the introduction of Mahomet- 
anism (although Islamism, if made by force, might 
probably have given them the preponderancy)^ 
but many of them have intermingled with the 
older stuck'. The latter likewise lay claim to 
an Arabian descent (especially when they 
would show that they are different from the 
Negroes**), although we have well-grounded 
reasons for believing the contrary. The lan- 
guage however on this point seems quite de- 
cisive; though caution must still be used even 
in this respect ; for, as Arabian descent is con- 
sidered the more honourable, there are tribes 
who lay claim to it, and yet speak a completely 
different language ; travellers, therefore, may 
easily be deceived, when they hear individuals 

■ Pliny, vi, 34. 

•» QvATRBMEiiK, Mumoire* tur K^p**. », p. 146. 

' nsW. p, 144. 

* Hi<nKitj»R|»T'fl Tritvfth in Sukia, p. 216, 



CfiAF, I. 

of such tribes speaking Arabic, and from tliat 
judge respecting the whole tribe. But, aftei 
all, the character of the language still remains 
in my opinion the most certain test. It does 
not appear likely that Arabians, who pride 
themselves upon their language*, should hav 
relinquished it in order to adopt that of 
barbarous or conquered people ; unless they 
had become lost among them from being so 
few in number. I therefore consider myself 
justified in ranking all those nations as a 
original who do not speak Arabic, whether they 
in their traditions give themselves an Arabian 
descent or not; and I shall venture to include 
them all under the general appellation of Ber- 
bers (Barabras), the rather because this name 
in the same sense is still given them in Egypt *< 
Among these nations we must first mention 
the Nubians, This name does not occur till 
the period of the Ptolemeys, and is I believe 
first mentioned by Eratosthenes*; but it sooa 
came into use, sometimes as the general name 
for all the tribes dwelling on both sides of tbt 
Nile^ from Egypt to Sennaar and the ancient 
Meroe, and sometimes, in a more limited sense, 
for the present Dongola, Their chief mark of 
distioction is that their dwellinj^s are in the 



** Leon, fiarrativf of a Janmey in Egupt, and the C^untrift hettiftfi ^ 
CaturacU, p. 56. 

^ LsoH, p. 56. 

» SittAflo, p. 1135. 

'" The inbes on Uie we&e bank of llie Nile are expressly reckoned ■»«*l 
them by Sirabo, 1. c, aud dUlingiji&tied from ibe Ethiopians. 




valley of the Nile. Within these last few years 
we have obtained from the graphic pencil of 
Burkhardt, a description of this nation, the 
first accurate accounts we have had, but which 
have already been confirmed, honourably for 
him, by his successors'. 

They live in a land of monuments, perhaps 
erected by their forefathers ; and on that ac- 
count have the greater claim to our attention. 
Their language, of which Burkhardt has given 
us specimens ^ is entirely different from the 
Arabian ; and neither that nor their exte- 

krior appearance will allow us to give them an 
Arabian origin. They are of a dark brown 
Colour, with hair either naturally curly> or 
artificially arranged by the women, but not at 
all woolly. It often forms an elevated ornament, 
like those on the monuments. Their visage 
has nothing at all of the Negro physiognomy. 
The men are well formed, strong, and muscular^ 
with fine countenances. They are something 
shorter than the Egyptians. They have only 
a little beard growing under the chin, as upon 
the Egyptian statues. They are very thinly 
clad, almost naked ; but are all armed with a 
spear, five feet long, a dagger, and a large 
shield, formed of the skin of the hippopotamus. 
The women are well made, with pleasing 
features. The men buy them of their parents j 

' Kspecially by the Travels of VVAtiDiNnroN and HANfiiiiiy. 
i<^ Buhkuardt, p. 153, aad indefil uf the iwo dialeeU into which \t it 




but frequently also intermarry with the Arabs*. 
The Nubian, says another eye-witness, is tliiD 
and slender, but beautifully formed ; and his 
beauty is as unchangeable as that of a statue. 
He has more eourage and daring than the 
Arabian. When he demands a present he 
poises his spear upon his breast, All go armed 
with spear, sword, and shield. Forty of them 
sitting in a circle had each their spear stuck in 
the ground near them "". According to the ex- 
press testimony of the latest travellers, tJie 
Nubian language is spoken at Dongola. where 
the Arabian is spoken but badly". To tbe 
south of Dongola is the country of the Scheygias, 
a very remarkable race. They are of a very 
dark brown, or rather black colour, but by no 
means Negroes °. Till lately they were com- 
pletely independent, and defended their liberty 
against the army of the pasha of Egypt with 
an heroic courage worthy a better fate, for they| 
were almost extirpated. They speak Arabic, 
but whether they are of Arabian or mixed 
origin I cannot venture to determine. They 
are divided, almost in the manner of castes, 
into three classes : the learned, who have boob 
and schools, the warrior, and the merchaut 
class. The warriors are horsemen ; each is 

' BunxHARDT, p- 144. 

•«* Hennfcke's Notes during a visit lo Egypt and Nubia^ p. 164. 

n Waddjnoton and Hanbury, p. 69, note. 

• See BuRÄHAHDT* p> 68, etc, aad Wadmmoton and ILisrittiTf 

p. 77, etc. 

CBAP. f. 



armed with a double-pointed spear, a sword, 
and a large shield. In their country the 
pyramid mouumcnts which adorned the ancient 
Meroe, are first met with ; and even its name 
has been preserved in that of their chief place, 
Aferawe, though the ancient capital of this 
name must be sought for farther south. Its 
territory borders on the country of the Berbers. 
The inhabitants, in the strictest sense Ber- 
bers, call themselves Arabians, that they 
may not be confounded with the Negroes ; 
but from Burkhardt's description, I have no 
doubt of their belonging to the Nubian race, 
although the Arabic has been introduced among 
Ihera. *'The people of Berber," says Burk- 
hardtp, **are a very handsome race. The native 
colour seems to be a dark red-brown. Their 
features are not at all those of the Negro ; the 
face being oval, the nose often perfectly Gre- 
cian, the upper lip however is generally some- 
what thicker than is considered beautii'ul among 
northern nations, though it is still far from the 
JVegro lip. They are tall and thin, even more 
so than the Egyptians, very healthy, sick per- 
sons being scarcely ever found among them/' 

Above these regions, beyond the Astaboras or 
Tacazze, especially in Shendy, and from thence 
to Sennaar, along the Nile, the Arabic entirely 
prevails ; and the great mass of the inhubitants. 

P ntrjiKii,^ni.T, jl. 2Vt>, 233. 




though sometimes with a mixture of other 
blood, may be regarded as of Arabian descent 
It is not difficult to account for this. These 
parts always have been, and still are, great 
places of trade ; and the trade has always been 
principally in the hands of the Arabians. Can 
we therefore wonder that in their marts their 
language should prevail ? It extends there- 
fore above Sennaar as far as the confines of 
Abyssinia; where, as we learn from Bruce aod 
others, the Abyssinian languages, the Amhara 
and other dialects, first begin to be spoken. 

The Arabic, however, is much less general 
among the scattered races wandering betweea 
the valley of the Nile and the Arabian gulf. 
The ancient writers notice here the Blemmies, 
and Megabari, a savage warlike race, who 
lived in the forests or groves upon what they 
could procure by hunting ; and those in the 
mountains and on the coast, who from their 
habitation and food bore the name of Troglodytat, 
or cave-dwellers, and Ichthi/ophagi, or fish- 
eaters. Among the modern travellers we are 
particularly indebted to Bruce for some valuable 
information respecting them ; he did not him- 
self however visit their country, Burkhardt 
was the first who ventured upon this ; and he 
passed right across it, as he journeyed from 
Shendy to Suakin on the Arabian gulf. We 
shall compare the account they give with that 
of the ancients, and particularly with that of 

CHAP« 1. 



Agatharcliides, of whose work ypon the Red, 
that is, the Southern sea, unfortanately only a 
few fragments remain''. 

Agatharchides again divides the tribes in 

these parts according to their mode of life : 

there were some who knew a little of agricul- 

ture, as they sowed millet, or dkmrra ; the 

I greater part however were herdsmen; and others 

Bsavages, who subsisted by hunting. It is just 

the same in the present day. The principal 

race is that to which Bruce and Niebuhr have 

given the name of Bischaries ; the same which 

more early writers call Bejas, or Bedjas; except 

that the latter name rather applied to the in- 

Khabitants of the plain. A learned Frenchman 

^has already demonstrated in a very satisfactory 

manner, that this tribe is the same as the 

ancient Blemmies^ They live in the same 

^territory ; their habits are in no respect 

^changed ; they have nothing of the Arab about 

them, but are an aboriginal people; and they 

therefore belong to the class of nations which 

twe comprise under the general name of Ber- 
The seat of the Bischaries begins in the 
Borth, where that of the Ababd^*s ends; and 
this latter extends from Cosseir in Egypt to 


•» AoATUAnrMiosa d« Rnhvd Man, in Geogrtifihia Min. Hudson, i,p. 37, 
roDDtiuSi i, p* 191 , has borrowed from bim word for word. 
f QuATaiiMJ::RF., Memo'xret iur VEgifpte^ vol. u, p. 127, etc. The nc- 
codOlR given of the Blemrates by the ancicnls are here all brought together 
and compared wiili llic Alakrizie ami other Arabic mnnuicript«. 



CBAF. 1< 

somewhere about 23** N. Jat. The Ababdfa 
speak Arabic, and are a commercial people ; the 
breeding of camels has at all times been their 
principal employment, and the caravan life 
their principal business*. From their language 
they are called Arabs, but some take them 
to be merely a branch of the Bischaries. The 
seat of the Bischaries, from where it joins the 
Ababdes southwards to the neighbourhood 
of Suakin, is principally a mountain ridge, 
which here rises and runs along the easiern 
coast of Africa, This mountain chain, from 
the earliest times downward, has been the 
abode of tribes who dwell in holes and caves 
formed by nature, and fashioned and improved 
by the inhabitants themselves, whence they 
have been comprised under the name of Trog- 
lodytes '. It is a difficult matter in a northem 
climate to form a just notion of the manners and 
habits of these nations. He who would wish 
to see a picture of it in Europe must visit the 
Catacombs of Naples \ which from their appear- 
ance and history seem once to have been made 
use of for a similar purpose. In these majestic 
vaults, which resemble a row of Gothic churches, 
hewn out by the labour of Poly phemi, somecoa* 
ception may be formed of the mode of life of a 
people who found here, in the wet season, Ik 

• QüATRf.Mr.«f:. p. 158, etc. Bi Rvn*nDT, p. 149. 344, etc. 

' AciATMABciiiiJia, I. e. p. 45| amd DjoufTBus, i, p. ISJ7. 

" Nol those of Uome> whirh were evideally intcndetl for nt 





secure shelter for theniselves and their herds 
from the rain, and in summer a protection from 
the scorching rays of the sun \ 

The Troglodytes of Ethiopia, according to the 
accounts of Agatharchides, were herdsmen, with 
their separate chiefs, or princes of tribes. A 
community of women existed among them, 
probably the result of their manner of life, 
which would scarcely allow of domestic rela- 
tions. In the wet season, when incessant rains 
deluged the country, they retired with their 
herds into the caves, and lived upon clotted 
railk and blood ; but, immediately the weather 
became favourable, they hastened with their 
cattle into the valleys which aftbrded them 
pasturage, often a subject of contention among 

" The Bischaries, who rarely descend from 
their mountains," says Burkhardt, " are a very 
savage people. Their only cattle are camels 
and sheep, and they live entirely upon flesh 
and milk, eating much of the former raw. Ac- 
cording to the relation of several Nubians, they 
are very fond of the hot blood of slaughtered 
sheep J but their great luxury is said to be the 
raw marrow of camels. Their language is dif- 
ferent from the Arabic, and approaches the 

■ There Jire ut many trecea of thi» in Uie south of Italy and SicUy, in 
the ioierior of whkb a whole cily ia found hewn out of the rocks (s«e Bah- 
riv'^ J^itt^raou Calabria and Sieitif, iii, p, 441), that thia, coupled with 
the ancient trAditionH re»pectiag the inhabitants of these countries, \\w 
Cyclop» and C'imineriana, makes roe feel no hesitation in expressing my 
npiuiow, thai troglodylic pastoral tribes formerly inhabited ihest places. 



Abyssinian, They are divided into four tribes, 
which are often at war with one another for the 
possession of the pasturages. Their colour is 
a dark brown. Their women are handsomely 
formed, with very fine eyes and teeth, and are 
of a frank disposition. They are a genuine 
aboriginal people of Africa." Burkhardt and 
Bruce have mentioned some of their tribes by 
name, the Shiho, and their neighbours the 
Hazorta, who, according to the latter, are said 
to be of a copper colour, still live in their cave«, 
still clothe themselves in goat skins, and still 
rove with their herds from one part of the 
mountain to another^. Some of these tribes 
spread themselves over the plains of Atbara', 
between the lower Tacazze and the mountains; 
those nearest the river, where the soil is very 
fertile, sow a little dhourra, but without any 
artificial cultivation of their lands. They are 
likewise herdsmen, and possess a very fine 
breed of cattle*. The peculiarities of the cli- 
mate compel these tribes to a yearly migra- 
tion. The Astaboras, swelled out, overflows 
the neighbouring plains, and drives the in- 
habitants to seek fresh pasturage. According 
to the narrative of Bruce'', another cause of 

t Bmuci. til, p. G9. 72. 

■ Thu» i» named ihcdiitriet borderiag Qu the lower AsUboras« or Atbill' 
AccoTdinfr to Burkhardt, the place ca!lcd Atbara is propcTly onlv ao et* 
campraeiit. The name orTaka, in Bruce and Burkhardt, is erideaU; gi*t* 
to thi» province from the oth<;r name of the Bame river^ Tacane. 

* BrBKnARitT, p. 334, etc. 

*♦ lijucc. iv. p. 443» etc. 




their wanderings is that dreadful insect which 
he has described under the name of gadfly, and 
which abounds from the beginning of the rainy 
season on the rich lands adjoining the Astabo- 
ras, and kill the cattle if they are not imme- 
diately driven off to the higher, sandy regions, 
where they do not follow thera. This circum- 
stance was not unknown to Agatharchides, and 
II! his accounts agree very well with that of the 
British traveller. " An extensive country/* 
says hes " borders on that of the water>locusts, 
with excellent pastures ; it is nevertheless for- 
saken, and uninhabitable. It was formerly 
inhabited, but is now swarming with scorpions 
and f»adflies, which are reported to have four 
teeth. The inhabitants, finding themselves 
without remedy, took to flight, and left the 
country waste/' The Greeks were only igno- 
rant that this plague came yearly, and began 
and ended with the wet season. *' These 
gadflies/' says Bruce, "are only found in those 
places where the soil is fat; as soon as the 
cattle hear their buzzing they run wildly about 
till they at last fall down exhausted. The 
herdsmen, in this case, have no other resource 
but to leave the rich soil and flee to the sandy 
regions of Atbara, and remain there during the 


GATUAncnioKB, 1. c. p. 43» To the same district must al&o he re- 
ferred the account, p, 37, of the ^al§, or gadflies, that expelled ihc lions 
from tlie banks of the Astaboras, these lords of the forest being uoabk to 
bear their noit-y buzz. Btuce say& that even elephants and thinoceroaes 
can scarcely protect ihemselvet from the attarti of these insect». 



CHtf. 1. 

rainy season, where the cruel enemy nemr 
ventures to follow them. A later travellers 
though he did not visit this country himself, 
has raised some doubt respecting the statement 
of Bruce, because, upon questioning a native 
of it, he found him unacquainted with this 
insect. This, however, is by no means suf- 
ficient to estabhsh a charge against Bruce of 
having himself invented this story ; to do that 
it requires a proper scrutiny of the place and 
stations, which that traveller could not invent. 
As for the silence of Burkhardt it proves no- 
thing against Bruce; it might have arisen from 
his mere forgetful ness to make inquiries re- 
specting it. 

The southern part of the territory of Taka, 
or Atbara, on the upper Tacazze, is the seat of 
the hunting tribes. The luxurious soil is here 
covered with thick forests, overrun with savage 
beasts, lions, as well as panthers, elephants, 
and rhinoceroses. Agatharchides has also 
given us a description of the tribes who inhabit 
this region. ** On the banks of the Astaboras, 
which flows on one side of the island of Merof, 
dwells," he tells us', *' a people who live upon 
the roots of reeds, or canes, which grow in a 
neighbouring pool. After shreding it with 
stones, they reduce it to a glutinous pulp, and 
dry it in the sun in pieces about the breadth ot 

* LoRij VAi.sirri«. TVmMJf. li, p. 994. 

• AoATBAnrntnt«. ed. Hadsan, p. 37, »iid from liim Diouonn. i, 

CHAP. 1. 



one's hand. Near to this is the tribe of the 
Hylophaga; whose nourishment is the fruit that 
drop from the trees, herbs that grow in the 
valleys, and even the soft ends of twigs. They 
consequently possess an extraordinary facility 
for climbing trees. To these follow, in a wes- 
terly direction, the hunting tribes, who live 
upon the wild beasts, which they kil! with their 
arrows. There is also another race, whose 
is the flesh of elephants and ostriches ; 
sides these there is still another less nume- 
rous tribe, who feed upon the locusts which 
roe in numerous swarms from the unknown 
regions to the south." 

The seats of these tribes are too accurately 
laid down by Agatharchides for any mistake 
to occur respecting them. They dwell on the 
nks of the Astaboras, which river separates 
em from Meroe. Wc thus find ourselves in 
e country of the Shangallas. No modern 
veller has yet visited the interior of this dis- 
ct. Bruce journeyed along its southern, and 
Burckhardt, in his route to Suakin through 
Taka, along its northern boundaries ; its forests 
and wild beasts seem to render it inaccessible. 
•' Every night,*' says Burkhardt, " I heard their 
bowlings, during which no one dares stir out of 
the intrenchment'. The fiercest animals, how- 
ever," he adds, " that inhabit these woods, are 
the Bedjawy, or inhabitants of Bedja, them- 

Mi iiKiMKni , p. 391. 




selves." He does not mention the name of 
Shangalla, though it is inserted in bis map; 
perhaps it may be his Segoilo^, whose seat is 
in this region, together with their neighbours, 
the Hallenga and Hadendoa, alike infamous for 
their complete want of hospitality »^ The ac- 
counts collected by Bruce' completely con- 
firm that of Agatharcliides. The habits of 
these tribes have remained the same for two 
thousand years; they are still the same rude 
savages they then were. They are still dis- 
tinguished, as they then were, by their food, 
though, as will naturally be supposed, this roust 
not be considered their only ditFerence. The 
Hylophagse still dwell under the branches of 
their trees, which they fix in the earth to make 
themselves tents. The account of the roots 
from the pool, is most likely a mistake, arising 
from the dhourra ground with stones, but pre^ 
pared with a broth of roots and vegetables*« 
The Dobenatis, the most powerful race araooff 
the Shangallas, still live upon elephants and 
rhinoceroses, whose flesh they preserve by dry- 
ing it in the sun, and cutting it into strips as 
they do the camels. The Baasa subsist upoa 
the flesh of lions, and even snakes, which are 
found of an enormous size. Farther to the 

t BviiKHAnDT, p. 387. 

'• DuRKBARDT. p. 395. Tkt Hadcütloä«, says tht same li»«Ucr, 
p. 392. arc beyand a duulit a branch of the DiBcbunes, at ara aJl ife* 
eastern Nubiaaa, having the same sbapo» language and custom», 
•iinuci;, ii, p. 5J0* etc. k DcrnKiiAnot, p> 417» 




west still dwell a tribe who feed on locusts 
during the summer, which they preserve by 
first roasting and then drying them in baskets. 
** This country/' says Burkhardt', **is the true 
breeding place of locusts. He himself saw how 
greedily the slaves with the caravan devoured 
them'". In the extreme east dwelt the Stru- 
ihiophagi, or ostrich-eaters. They must inhabit 
plains where alone ostriches are to be found. 

We have here therefore a new proof of the 
great influence which the natural circumstances 
of country and climate have upon the destiny 
of the human race. The tribes of Shangallas, 
which we have above described, still remain 
hunters and completely savage, because their 
soil is unfit either for agriculture or pasturage ; 
the Bischaries and others follow a pastoral life, 
because their mountains aflbrd food for their 
cattle. But a higher degree of cultivation can 
never be obtained in their country because its 
nature compels them to a nomad life. 

Before quitting Ethiopia above Egypt, there 
still remains an Ethiopian nation to be noticed, 
highly celebrated in antiquity, and which He- 
rodotus has copiously described, the Ma- 
crobians*'. The expedition of Cambyses was 
directed against them, by which circumstance 
they have obtained a place in history. 

•" BuEKHAdOT, |J. 424. Th«y take out the entrails and roasl them os'tr 
the lire. These »laves probably belonged to ihe rate of ^iWUiujthagru 
•> Heiiod. iii, 17—25. 




A rumour of the vast quantity of gold which 
they possessed determined Cambyses to this ex- 
pedition ; he sent, however, before-hand, some 
spies into their country ; and these were klv 
thyophagi, whom he sent for from the city of 
Elephantis, as they understood their language. 
Cambyses furnished them with presents for 
the king of the Macrobians, a purple robe, 
golden necklace, bracelets, perfumes, and a 
cask of palm wine. These Macrobians, ac- 
cording to the statement of the Ichthyopha^ 
were a tall and beautiful race, had their owu 
laws and institutions, and elected the tallest 
among them to the dignity of king. This 
monarch soon discovered that these ambassa- 
dors were spies. He loolced at their preseots, 
wirh the use of which he was miacquainted. 
The robe, the perfumes, and the necklace, 
which he took for fetters, he returned; the 
wine was the only thing which he found agree- 
able. He demanded how long the Persians 
lived, and what their king was accustomed to 
eat. They informed him, bread, describ- 
ing at the same time the nature of corn, and 
that the q-reatest age to which the Persians 
attained was eighty years. He answered» that 
he did not wonder at their living no longer, who 
fed upon such rubbish ; and that probably they 
would not live even so long if it were not for 
their drink, namely, their wine, in which they 
excelled the Macrobians. Upon being then 
asked by the ambassadors how long the Ma- 





crobians lived, and upon what they subsisted ; 
he rephed, an hundred and twenty years, and 
sometimes longer; that their food was boiled 
flesh and milk. He sent to the Persian king, 
in return for his present, a great bow, and told 
the ambassadors to inform him, that when he 
could bend this bow as easily as a Persian one, 
he might undertake an expedition against the 

The ambassadors were shown, as most re- 
markable, what was called the table of the 
sun ; this was a meadow in the skirts of the 
city, in which much boiled flesh was laid, 
placed there by the magistrates every night, 
upon which all who chose might eat in the 
day. The inhabitants report that the earth 
brings it forth.- — The ambassadors were next 
led to the prison, where the captives were 
bound in golden fetters; brass among the 
Ethiopians being one of the greatest rarities. 

inally, they were shown the sepulchres, which 
were made of glass (r«xo<), in the following 
manner. The corpse, after being emboweled, 
as in Egypt, is covered over with plaster. 
Upon this is painted the portrait of the de- 
ceased, as like as possible. It is then placed in 
a case of glass (probably crystal), which they 
dig up in great abundance* The dead body 
remains in this case without any disgusting 
appearance or smell, for a whole year ; the 
nearest relation keeps it in his house, offering it 




sacrifices, after which it is taken into the city 
and placed with the others. 

I have purposely been somewhat copious in 
describing this nation ; the account being in 
more than one respect instructive. The Ma- 
crobians must have been a nation already li\nng 
in a city that possessed laws and a prison; 
that understood working in metals ; and among 
whom considerable traces were found of a pro- 
gress in the cultivation of one of the fine arts. 
Yet they were ignorant of agriculture, as they 
knew nothing of bread but by report ; a great 
proof that our rule tor judging of civilization 
will not at all apply to the African nations» 
who, proceeding from other points, and ad- 
vancing in other directions, must necessarily 
arrive at a different end from that attained by 

Farther, it is evident* that this nation must 
have inhabited the richest gold country of 
Africa : gold was the metal in commonest use 
among them, even for the fetters of their 

Bruce'* takes the Macrobians for a tribe of 
the Shangallas, dwelling in the lower parts of 
the gold countries, Cuba and Nuba, on both 
sides of the Nile to the north of Fazukla. He 
appeals particularly to the bow which the king 
of the Macrobians sent to Cambyses, with a 


• VoLii, ÄM.eie, 




challenge for him to bend it* It is the custom 
of this race to bind round their bows ferrules of 
the hides of the wild beast they slay, whereby 
they are continually becoming stiffer, and at 
last become altogether inflexible. They then 
hang them on a tree as trophies of their prow- 
ess ; such a bow it might have been which 
the Ethiopian king sent the Persian. 
I But, however probable this proof may ap- 
|>ear# I cannot adopt the opinion started by this 
traveller ; I feel rather inclmed to believe, that 
the M aerobians must be sought for farther 
south, in another region. None of the Shan- 
gallas, that we know of, dwell in cities, or have 
reached that degree of civilization imputed to 
the Macrobians. 

Herodotus mentions three particulars which 
may help us to discover thö seat of this nation ; 
|hey dwell, he says, on the Southern sea^ 
it the farthest corner of the earth ; and 
Cambyses, when he turned back, had not 
reached the fifth part of the way to their 

If we should take these statements, es- 
pecially the tatter, according to the letter, then 
the Macrobians must be sought for not only on 
Ihe Indian sea, but very far to the south**. 

•' im Tfj %'i)Ti^ öaXtiTffy. thai is, beyond the entrance of the Aiduiutj 
mlf, oQ the Indian sea. Tberefofe, not in the interioi, where ihe Shan- 
^llas dwell. 

q How far south Cambyse» reached in his expedkion cannot be de- 



CtlAP. 1- 

But the way in which the story is related by 
Herodotus plainly shows that it partakes of 
the marvellous ; and we shall be at no loss 
to account for this, if we consider that he de- 
rived his information from the Egyptian priests» 
from whom we derive nearly the whole history 
of Cambyses, of which this story forms a part 
Now, besides the usual causes which lead to 
the bedizening and distorting of all narratives 
of this kind, another may be mentioned, which 
probably had a considerable influence in this 
case : namely, its relating to a rich gold country, 
whose true situation perhaps the priests felt no 
desire to reveal to a prying, curious foreigner; 
and therefore they merely gave him the com- 
mon report. To extract the pure truth from 
this must therefore be a puzzling and difficult 
task ; and although I may give the truth for no 
more than probability, I shall thereby at least 
screen myself froni the reproach of wishing U) 
pass ray conjectures for facts» 

The very story that there was in that hot, 
and by no means healthy climate, a people 
whose age exceeded the usual term allotted to 
man, which the appellation Macrobians implies, 
will scarcely obtain belief; though there must 
have been some foundation for this opinion. 
We learn from Bruce, that a custom prevails 

trnniDcd tram l^Ierodotu^. From what it said by others he mtft hi>f* 
gone as far as IMeroe, perhikpi la its boundaries. Dioi>oii\j6, i, p* U8. 




among raaay of the pastoral tribes io these 
regions, of putting to death their old people 
when they are no longer capable of being re- 
moved from place to place'; let it be granted, 
therefore, that the Macrobians were not guilty 
of this cruelty (and that may easily be sup- 
posed of a nation so far refined); would not 
that circumstance, and the old persons that 
would be found among them be sufficient to 
have given rise to this popular tradition ? 

With regard to their abode, it seems to me, 
that that can only be determined from the two 
statements of Herodotus, that it lay on the 
Indian sea, — and that they dwelt in a country 
abounding in gold, which it either produced, or 
was the great mart for. In either case we are 
carried to some seaport beyond the Arabian 
gulf, although we may never be able to say 
with certainty which. It is only known that a 
district is spoken of where agriculture was not 
in use, as its inhabitants did not live upon 
bread, but flesh'. 

The account of what is called the table of 
the sun, is in itself so marvellous, that every 
reader will acknowledge it cannot be taken 
literally. It seems to be a figurative descrip- 
tion, and was nowhere more likely to be the 

r Vol. i\, 55b. Ilcnxlotuj^ mentions besides a vrosderful •pring, by 
bAtiiiag in which ihey prolongeti their lives» If they dwcti m a mountnin- 
0U9 disUict. mineral springs would he nothing exlraordinai^. 

• The cooLemptof bread must have been applied to thai made oi dhourra, 
mci bakedj which becomei spoüed a.nd udüi to be eaten in a very ühort 




case than among Egyptian priests ; a key to il 
may probably be found in a later writer ^ 

Cosmas", who bore the siirnanie of the 
Indian, and, though perhaps never in India 
was at least in Ethiopia, has preserved us the 
following account of a remarkable trade, which 
was carried on with the rich gold country on 
the confines of the land of Frankincense. 

** The land of Frankincense," he says, '* lies 
at the farthest end of Ethiopia*, fifty days' 
journey from Axura, at no great distance from 
the ocean, though it does not touch it. The 
inhabitants of the neighbouring Barbaria\or 
the country of Stwu, fetch from thence frank- 
incense and other costly spices, which they 
transport by water to Arabia Felix, and India, 
This country of Sasu is very rich in gold mines. 
Every other year the king of Axura* send» 

* See for what follows the Easay of H. Botue upon the Mtcrobiao»! 
Deutich. Monttlschrijtf July, 1799, to which the first edition of my w«i 
g»ve rise. The authof seems to me, only to have erred, in placing the Ht* 
crobians in the proper country of Frankincense, which was a aiidUnd di>' 
trict, in^teait of at Sasu, which bounds it on the seacoast, and where ^ 
is plentiful. It is clear however from the wonJbi of Cosruas, that the tndeof 
which he speaks was carried on at Saau ; and only thus will tticieUi 
perfect agreement with HerodotuB, who makes theMacrobians dwelk on ^ 
seacoast. But^ at all events, these districts lie closs to one another, i*^ 
the land of Frankincense i« not (^ from the coast. 

" lie wrote about the year 53&. The best edition of his TopigTiqÄia 
Chruliatuif is in MoNTrAUcax, ColL Nova Patrum, torn, ii, p. 113, «It* 
to which 1 now refen 

* CosMAS, p. 138, laS. 

y Barbaria is the geoenil name of the east of Africa beyond the Arabi« 
gulf; Sa5U. on tbe contrary, is the name of a certain country ordiflnrt. 
But we ^hal) presently see that Boirbaria here siguihes some patticnW 
place in the territory of .Sa!<u. 

* Ihat is of Ahyasinia. of which Axum wai the capital. 



some of his people to this place for gold. 
These are joined by many other merchants, so 
that altogether they form a caravan of about 
five hundred persons. They take with them 
oxen, salt, and iron*. When they arrive upon 
the frontiers of the country, they take up their 
quarters and make a large barrier of thorns **. 
In the meantime, having slain and cut up their 
oxen, they lay the pieces of flesh, as well as 
the iron and salt, upon the thorns. Then come 
the inhabitants, and place one or more parcels 
of gold upon the wares, and wait without the 
enclosure. The owners of the flesh and other 
wares then examine whether this is equal to the 
price or not. If the former be the case, they 
take the gold, and the others the wares ; if not 
the others still add more gold, or take what 
they have put down back again. The trade is 
carried on in tlii.s manner because the languages 
are different, and they have no interpreter ; 
it takes about five days to dispose of the goods 
which they bring with them," 

The truth of this statement is so much con- 
firmed by internal evidence, that no one will 
hesitate to believe it. But in order to apply it 
to the account of Herodotus, two questions 
remain to be deterraiued; where does the land 
of Sasu lay ? and how far are we authorised to 

H^ ■ The Agows still reckon tbctr tribule for the tnm\ part in oxea i BnvcSf 
tiir P' 773. Id this region the caniel is no longer fouud, and oxen are the 
u%ual beasts of btirdeo. 

*» Every tliitip agrees with (lie place. Thorn hedges, es|>ecially of the 
«hrub kauiußli, ^re here ihe im|i«nütrat>l(; Uoimdaries. Biucf* ii, p. '143, 



CUA». I. 

apply what Cosmas relates of it, in the times 
in which he lived, to those of Herodotus ? 

With regard to the situation of Sasu it is 
sufficiently pointed out by the description giveö 
of it. The African land of Frankincense, ac- 
cording to Bruce ^ begins at Babelmandel, 
and stretches eastward almost to Cape üuar- 
defui, taking a part of Adel or Zeyla. The 
fifty days' journey given by Cosmas, as the dis- 
tance from Axura, agree very well with this^ 
Now as the land of Frankincense joined Sasu^ 
and Sasu lay near the sea, it is evident that 
the latter formed part of the coast, and also 
comprised one or even several seaports, from 
which the sea trade was carried on. 

But it not only was carried on from thence, 
but is even at the present time. Lord Valentia, 
who entered this country from Mocha*, has 
given us some interesting information on this 
head, upon which we may rely, and which 
besides has the merit of being as new and 
accurate as it is authentic. The coast from 
Babelmandel to Guardefui is inhabited by the 
Somaulies, a very dark race, with woolly hair, 
neither completely Negroes nor Arabians» 

■^ VoU i, p. 35€. See his map. 

'^ If wo t^KQ with CosMiis, L c. tUe «üstance from AlexanUnu lo Aid'" 
at sisity day«* journey, wc »baU find, even at this rale» that from Asuiu H 
Guardefui will be aomewhere about fifty« 

e Valentja's YV«rf<jf» vol. ii, p. 370— 378. Thu atilhor saw many «f 
tlic Somaulie» at Mocha. According to hU opinion it wouid lie th« 
to penctrdte into the interior of Africa from »he eastern p«ft o 




They are not savages, as Bruce has pictured 
them, but a friendly, well-disposed race. Their 
country is the natural staple for the commerce 
between Africa and Arabia, in it the greatest 
marts are found. Gums, myrrb and frankincense, 
cattle and slaves, are the commodities export- 
Wi^ in exchange for which, and for gold and 
ivory, they receive the productions of Arabia 
and India ^ more particularly the latter. The 
princes of the interior, and especially the ruler 
of Hanim, twenty days' journey to the west, 
send numerous caravans to this place to pur- 
chase these wares. The great fair for them is 
Berbora*, which lasts from October till April. 
The frankincense grows chiefly in the neigh- 
bourhood of Cape Guardefui, and the prin- 
cipal port for exportation is Bunder Kassin, 
near Cape Felix. The Soraaulies send in their 
own vessels (for they have a sort of navigation 
act to carry for themselves, and to lade no 
Arabian vessels) to Aden. The situation of 
Aden, on the other side of the straits, which 
enables them to take advantage of both mon- 
soons, renders this very easy. The profits of 
this trade, although the merchants only state it 
at fifty per cent,, is accordingly very great. 
The commerce is only restricted by the cus- 
toms, and other obstacles which the rulers 

f Lonn Valektia Hu even «dded tables of prices, and iu yearly ex ports 
«ntl imports. 

e liorbora on Rkwnkl'i M«p, upon thiit of SoftSMAN it i-i improperly 
rnade an islatul. 




throw in its way ; without this it would be 
immense ; and the period will perhaps shortly 
arrive when it may be so. 

This trade, therefore, has continued full a 
thousand years, notwithstanding: all the re- 
ligious and political chajiges which have taken 
place, simply because the nature of thecoun^iy 
itself points it out as the most proper staple 
for the productions of the two quarters of the 
world. But what is it that justifies our applying 
the narration of Cosmas to the period of He- 
rodotus ? Nothing decidedly but the conjecture, 
that as this trade in the time of Cosmas was 
already very old, it was very likely to have ex- 
isted a thousand years before. This conjecture» 
besides, will not seem at al! improbable to thasß 
who are acquainted with the unchanging nature 
of the commercial routes of Africa. The proba- 
bility, however, becomes strengthened, because, 
in the first place, the trade in frankincense and 
spices is, as we may conclude from the vicinity 
of Arabia Felix, one of the oldest branches of 
commerce ; and secondly, because only two 
hundred years after Herodotus, the name of 
the country of Sasu appears as a well-known 
and remarkable name, for in the celebrated 
inscription of Adule, which this same Cosmas 
has copied and preserved, Sasu is mentiüiied 
as the most easterly point of Ethiopia to which 
the king had extended his conquests*'. 

'^ The in8<:ri|ilinn is well know« hr n monument placed by PtoletneyUl* 
al A<hiie. a«^ ^ meninriirl oHiv-i fr>nt]Tiests in Kthiopia. In thi» mscriplian 




If we may venture then to consider it as 
probable that the Macrobians of Herodotus 
should be sought for In this region, on the 
coast, or in one of the ports of Adel, in the 
vicinity of Cape Guardefui. This would place 
them in the country of the Somaulies, perhaps 
their descendants. If we may also venture to 
apply this description of Cosmas to the same 
people, then almost every obscurity in the 
account of them may be cleared up, and every 
thing appears in a natural lij^ht. 

The altar of the sun is the market place 
in which the trade with the strangers was 
transacted. When we consider that even now» 
almost all the commerce of Africa is carried on 
under the protection of sanctuaries and tem- 
ples, we can scarcely wonder, that religious 
notions should be connected with this seat 
of the trade, upon w hich perhaps the subsist- 
ence of the inhabitants depended. 

This kind of dumb trade will not appear 
strange : we have already seen its counterpart 
on the western coast of Africa', The same 
causes produce here the same effect. When it 
is said ''that the chiefs of the people laid the 
* flesh down at night, and that in the day any 
might eat of it who would ; but that the inhabit- 

Ptoleme^ is siat&il to have advanced Awiy Sinnt^ti: f»*xpi rStv rtjc AiBmniaQ 
mai Xäffov TÖiru^v, Instead of fdxP*' ^^*' ^ read, fä^pi e<r;i^ar(i»v. "to 
ibe farthennost regious of Ethiopia aod Saau." The opimoti of Salt. 
Vattnth't Tratetit vol. iiij p. 192, that only tiulf the inscription belongi to 
Ptoleineyt stiH requires a separate inquir)^'. 
• See above, p. !7(i. 



CftAP. I 

ants reported that it sprung from the earth;' 
the fact explains itself. This important trade 
was carried on under the care and inspection of 
the public magistrates ; every one took what 
be chose, without doubt for payment; and a5 
the merchants came from a very distant coun- 
try, and were not themselves seen in the tran- 
saction, a vulvar error, like the one mentioned, 
might very naturally arise. 

By the boiled flesh of Herodotus must pro-j 
bably be understood, dried flesh, as this is th< 
usual way in which it is preserved in thes 
regions \ 

The vast quantity of gold is easily accounted 
for ; it was either a natural production of the 
country, or the inhabitants had accumulated it 
by commerce'. The presents of the Persian 
king, therefore, composed of golden ornaments 
and myrrh, and consequently of exactly the 
very commodities which they had in the greats] 
est abundance, seemed to them a mockery, 
which the king of the Macrobians was fuUfj 
justified in taking as an insult, and, thereforcg 
returned it by another. The custom of hangind 
up the bows, mentioned by Bruce, can scarcelW 
be altogether peculiar to the Shangallas, but] 
has probably spread itself among their neigh- 

^ We learn from Bruce and other travellers, tlt&t dried camel's ^eiJi üi 
one of ibc daiatiea of a caravan jouroey. 

I Commas mentions this cxprnssly in explaiaiDg the Adiile inACfiptMV*! 
Tlie gtüld of that place, he add«, is called Tamcliaru^i. 

CHAP. 1, 



The golden fetters is likely enough to be a 
fable ; but the rarity of iron and brass in these 
countries is a fact very well known. It is 
confirmed by Cosmas, who states that iron was 
one of the commodities carried there by the 
caravans and exchanged for gold. 

Should my attempts to explain these diffi- 
culties still be considered as little more than 
conjecture, they will at least give us an ex- 
ample of the instruction which history may 
afford, even when tinctured with fable ; and 
how the mist in which it is enveloped disperses 
of itself, when considered in the spirit of the 
country and people from which it proceeds*". 
It is however a very remarkable circumstance, 
and demands our particular attention, that 
Cambyses should have taken his spies from 
the Egyptian Ichttiyophagi, because they could 
speak the language of these Ethiopians. 

The Ichthyophagi derive their name from 
their food, which consists offish, and therefore 
we cannot wonder at finding that besides the 
tribes in Africa, some also on the coasts of Persia 
and Arabia received the same appellation. Of 
the African Ichthyophagi, scattered along the 
coasts of the Arabian gulf, Diodorus has pre- 
served a few particulars. They belong pro- 

» Lei roe b« allowed to add on© conjecture upon another circu in stance : 
the Macrobian* as wtll as other Ethiopian people seem lo he highly 
esteemed on account of iheir üiv and beauty. iMight not this tj^ditioa 
luve proceeded froni slave dealers, wlm arc wonl to prii« Ihi» or that 
particular tribe 1 



peiiy to ihe Troglodytee, or cave-dweller», and 
are only distinguished from the others by their 
food and manner of life, which has many pecu- 
liarities, that maybe regarded as true addition» 
to our knowledge of physiology ". Taken alto- 
gether, however, they strengthen the remark, 
which applies to the whole history of the human 
race, that the nations subsisting on fish are the 
very lowest in the scale of civilization. They 
appear to be complete savages, destitute of all 
domestic ties ; with no dwellings except clefU 
and holes ; and without even any fishing imple- 
ments, as they only feed on those fish which 
are left behind by the retiring floods, which 
they prepare by pounding, and mixing them 
with certain seeds, by which they make them 
into a kind of broth. Although we have no 
late accounts of their manners and custom«, 
yet, what Bruce says shows, that the inhabit- 
ants of these districts still remain wretched, 
miserable, and naked savages. 

If this is a fair description of what these 
people were in antiquity, then indeed it be- 
comes difficult to conceive howCambyses came 
to choose them for spies ; there is, however, in 
the narrative of Herodotus itself, a circumstance 

" Dlodoius says Üiütthey only drink every fourth day ; when Üi*y g« ** 
hordes to the spring;«, and drink ta f.xich an exceu that nt ünt tbey I'? 
down unable to move. The fear of enemies perhaps orcajtioneil Uii» ciiiitw»- 
He reJatcs of others that they are quile insensible to all threats or ent»«»'»"*' 
Dioi}UHus, i, p. 184 — 186; liruce naw the satrie among his savage*. *"' 
73. Still more fcurpri^iag fart- .iri? recorded by Axara of the tnt«* on tl* 
ri?«*i de la Plata.. 


entioDed, which leads us to take a ditferent 
view of the subject. Carabyses, he says, 
caused the Ichthyophagi to come from Ele- 
phantis in Upper Egypt. There must have 
lived, consequently, a party of them in Upper 
Egypt ; the whole business, too, to which 
Cambyses appointed them, and their acquaint- 
Hpce with the country and language of the 
»Ihiopians, make it more than probable, that 
jpthey belonged to the roving tribes, who carried 
max the trade between Egypt and Ethiopia, and 
^Brmed the caravans which travelled from one 
country to the other ^ There is certainly no 
other way of passing from Egypt to the Ma- 
crobians but by a caravan, and these people 
must have been there once or more, as they 
understood their language. The name, be- 
sides, might have been continued to them, 
fough they had adopted a new mode of life, 
* which many other instances are to be met 
ith. Is it not very likely that they belonged 
to the Ababds^, whose country stretches to the 
neighbourhood of these regions, and who have 
been, as is shown above, from the most remote 
Periods, carriers of merchandise ? I shall ab- 
stain from making any farther remark upon 
this circumstance ; though it affords, at least, a 
passing proof, not only that a report of the rich 
gold countries had penetrated into Egypt, but 

" Herodotui does not say how great the number of tbe lehthyophagi 
wm vrbo were «lent ott litis embus«y \ tbey irtay thvrefore v^ry well kuve 
rormcd a small caravan. 




that a rather active commercial intercourse 
really existed between the two countries at a 
very early period. 

I cannot close these remarks without com- 
paring the narrative of Herodotus with the 
prophecy of the most sublime of the Hebrew 
poets. They mutually explain each other. 
When Isaiah prümises his people the trade of 
Egypt and Ethiopia, he adds, and of tk 
Sabeans, men of stature^, I cannot hold these 
latter to be any other than the Macrobians of 
Herodotus— the nation who enjoyed the trade 
in frankincense. Herodotus also mentions their 
high stature. He not only says they are the 
longest lived, but also the tallest people ; and 
upon the latter they place so high a value, that 
they elect the tallest among them for king. 
Saba lies on the African coast, at the entrance 
of the Arabian gulP ; consequently, in the very 
spot that we consider to have been the seat 
of the Macrobians. The prophet expressly 
mentions trading nations ; the Ethiopians, the 
inhabitants of Meroe, and the African Sabeans» 
who enjoyed the trade in frankincense. The 
proofs and illustrations which these inquiries 
have already so often lent to the sacred 
writings, w^ill give them, as I hope, a more 
extended interest than they might perhaps 
otherwise have hoped to enjoy. 

»" Tr*iah. xIv, 14. 

'' The Aiab of Bruce. Compare Getenius's ComtnenUry ia \%u»if> 
t**The opulence of Ih« Sali^ns, W\z\i <»f stature/' are ihe wonU of fe>* 




The State of Merde and its MonnmenU, 
n ¥he mighty men come forth ; the ktehopians that handle 


The Ethiopian nations, with which wc have 
become acquainted in the foregoinj^: chapter, 
must altogether be ranked in the lowest grade 
of civilization. There still, however, exists an 
evident difference of improvement among them. 
We have already seen all the various grada- 
Ltions, from the complete savage, as described 
by Hanno, whose rank might have been disputed 
by the ourang-outang, to the hunting and fishing 
tribes ; and again, from the latter to the nomad 
herdsman ; yet we do not anywhere discover a 
single nation, that, united in a settled abode, 
formed itself into a great and well-organized 
state. Nevertheless there certainly did exist a 
better cultivated, and, to a certain degree, a 
civilized Ethiopian people, who dwelt in cities; 
who erected temples and other edifices; who, 
though without letters, had hieroglyphics ; who 
bad erovernment and laws : and tlie fame oi 


z 2 



CHAP. It. 

whose progress in knowledge and the social arts, 
spread in the earliest ages over a considerable 
part of the earth ;— that state was Aleroe. 

Meroe has been celebrated for upwards of 
two thousand years, but its distant situation 
has always involved it in mystery and ob* 
scurity. It is only within this last ten years 
that the dark cloud, under which it has so long 
been hid, has been dispersed by the hardy 
enterprises of Burkhardt and Caillaud, more 
particularly the latter. Meroe, however, did 
not appear alone ; a new world of antiquities, 
whose existence had not even been imadned, 
were laid open to the view of the astonished 
spectator. The southern boundarj^ of Egypt, 
and the last cataract of the Nile, had hitherto 
been considered as the utmost verge of ancient 
civilization and science. More distant regions, 
however, were now explored. The more early 
travellers, Bruce and his forerunners, first led 
the way by crossing the Nubian desert ; others 
soon followed who penetrated up the Nile, 
keeping near its banks, where they discovered 
that succession of monuments, which has ex- 
cited so much astonishment among all lovers of 
antiquity, as well by their number as their mag- 
nitude. Temple after temple appeared, some- 
times erected upon, at others excavated in the 
rocks and the earth ; scarcely had the travellers 
left one than another arose to their view. 
Colossal figures, buried up to their shoulders in 
sand, projected forth, while the under parts lay 


mouldering away beneath. As the travellers 
continued their journey, an immense number 
of pyramids appeared, with temples and ruins 
of cities close by, or intermingled with them ; 
and at last the distant Meroe itself; and, what 
realised the earlier hopes of the author, the 
ancient temple of Jupiter Ammon was dis- 
covered, still erect» and majestic in its ruins. 

I shall now endeavour to give the reader a 
clear and concise account of these monuments, 
I do not indeed intend to go through them one 
by one, but shall take a survey of the most im- 
portant, and particularly of those which are 
found in the works of Gau and Caillaud. For- 
tunately in these we have not to examine 
sketches hastily made» the drawings are free 
from all attempts at embellishment, and the 
ground plans and delineations are executed 
with critical accuracy. It will be necessary, 
however, to premise a few geographical re- 

All the monuments that I shall describe in 
this section are found within the valley of the 
Nile ; either close to the river, or at a moderate 
distance from it. The course of the Nile above 
Egypt, before its conflux with the Astaboras, 
lies through a valley enclosed on both sides by 
a chain of mountains, or rather hills, which 
sometimes retire, and sometimes advance till- 
they almost approach the banks of the river. 
These* therefore, render impossible any great 
variation in the direction of the stream, though 



they offer no obstruction to its lesser winding 
within the valley. It can scarcely be doubted, 
but that the soil of the valley was as fertile at 
one time in these regions as it is in E^ypt 
itself; for where it could remain ia that state 
it is still fuund so. Thus it becomes evident 
that this valley may once have been a highly 
cultivated country, with a numerous population* 
dwelling in a long series of cities. But these 
mountain chains being succeeded on both sides 
of the river by sandy deserts (on the east the 
Nubian, and on the west the great sandy 
waste» which stretches right across Africa), the 
sand has proved a still more formidable foe 
here than in E^ypt. The lower mountain 
chain affording but a slight defence, this deadly 
enemy of all civilization not only penetrated 
into the valley, but has frequently, in part or 
altogether, buried the monuments. It cannot, 
therefore, seem at all surprising that the same 
cause should have occasioned some alterations 
in the river itself, many arms of which may, 
perhaps, have been forced into one, and small 
islands joined to the mainland» The valley of 
the Nile, at all events, was certainly very dif- 
ferent from what it is now ; traces are every- 
where visible of old canals, formed for extend- 
ing its periodical overflow; and these changes 
• alone would have been sufficient to cause the 
inhabitants to sink and degenerate, if other uo- 

* BuAKiiAHbi, TrateU, p. 14. 

?HAP. II. 



toward events had not happened. The river, 
deviating from its usually straight course, forms 
a bow from 19" to 23* by running to the west, 
deeper into Libya; and the inner part of this 
bow is occupied by the Nubian desert; soon 
however it winds again to the east, and reas- 

■lumes a northern direction, which it preserves 

"through Nubia and Egypt. 

We are again indebted to Herodotus for the 
first accounts of the course of the Nile above 
Egypt\ He collected them in Egypt^ probably 
in Thebes, or Elephantis, beyond which he 
never travelled. We are not to consider him 

»here, therefore, as an eyewitness, but, as he 
kimself informs us, as reporting what he heard 
from others. And here again we have to ad- 
mire the keen and accurate inquirer, although 
some slight deviations from the present state 
of the stream seem to confirm the remarks we 
have just made upon its variations. " Beyond 
Elephantis, the boundary of Egypt,'' says He- 
rodotus, " the country becomes higher; and in 
that part they drag on the boat, fastening a 
cord on either side, as you would to an ox» 
Should the hawser break, the boat is forced 
back by the violence of the current. This 
navigation continues four days ; the Nile 
winding like the Meander; and it is a space of 
twelve schoeni, seventy-two geographical miles. 

* Hkjiod. 11, 29, 




over which you must navigate in this manner. 
Next you come to a smooth plain, where the 
Nile flows round an island named Tachompso. 
The parts above Elcphantis are inhabited by 
Ethiopians, as well as one half of the island; 
the other half of which is held by the Egyptians, 
Close to the island is a vast lake, on the shores 
of which dwell Ethiopian nomads. Crossing 
this lake, you fall again into the stream of the 
Nile, which runs through it. Then, disembark- 
ing, you will perform a journey of forty days 
on the bank of the river; for in this part of the 
Nile sharp rocks rise above the water, and 
many shoals are met with, among which it is 
impossible to navigate. Having passed through 
this country, you will again embark in another 
boat, and navigate for twelve days, after which 
you will come to an extensive city, the name ot 
which is Meroe.' 

Let us compare this statement of Herodotus 
with those of the latest travellers, and we shall 
find that what in their nature are not liable to 
change, such as the cliflfs and rocks, still 
answer to his description; while, on the con- 
trary, in other matters (supposing Herodotus 
rightly informed), some changes seem to ha?e 
taken place. Among the moderns, Norden, a 
Dane, was the first who attempted to navigate 
the Nile above Egypt; and to draw maps of 
its course, which, after all that has since been 
done, are still the tullest in particulars, though 

CBAP. lt. 



they only reach to Derri, Derar, or Deir, the end 
of his journey ^ Within the lapse of ten years, 
Burkhardt, in his first journey, in which he 
kept near the banks of the river, penetrated as 
far as the frontiers of Dongola; in his second 
journey he traversed the Nubian desert**. The 
journey and map of Legh extend no farther 
than the second cataract'; and the magnificent 
work of Gau only reaches to the same placed 
The statements of the Pole, Senkowsky, up to 
the same point, are very accurate^. Above the 
second cataract, from Wady Haifa to the boun- 
daries of Sennaar, or the ancient Meroe, tviro 
British travellers^ Waddington and Ilanbury, 
have given a map of the course of the Nile*"; 
for the more distant regions, the authorities are 
Bruce, Burkhardt, and, above all, Caillaud*. 

The winding of the stream above Syene is 
ghown in Norden's twenty-fourth chart. It 
here holds a serpentine course, without, how- 
ever, any considerable curves. Its current is 
so strong that Norden was often obliged to 

« Voi^ge tfEgupte et de Kulne, par Fit. L. Nourirv; noiivelte ed. par 
LA1XOI.BS. PÄris, 1795. TLe first edition iip[>earttd in 1752. 

ä Travel» in Ntittia, by Fh. L. UL'ntiiiRDT. Londou. 1819. 

« iVarrolü'« of a Journey in Egifpt, and the C(*u ntriet bepttfid the Catamett, 
rWTit. Lion, esq. London, IB 16. 
tOf Antiqttii^i da la Kuhte, par F. C. Gau. Paris, 1824, en lii Uviaiaons. 

ff Fragments from the Diary, not yet printed, of a Journey through Nuhia 
tnd Northern Ethiopia, in the year IÖ19, by Jou. vov SENtowany, given 
in Neue AUg, Gei^gr. Eph^meriden, B, li, lti22. 

•» TravtU iu tarima Ct^untriet (f Ethiopia, by S. Waodinoto»), esq. and 
B. Hanbuay* 

' Caillauo, Viff^t^« Ä MtTdv, UM Flßnv« BltfnCf clc. 




quit his bark'^ ; Legh mentions the same fact*; 
and the stream becomes so violent in the ter- 
ritory of Kalabshe, where the Width of the 
stream is compressed to about thirty paces, as 
to render navigation very difficult. The voyage 
to the island Tachompso is stated by Herodotus 
to be twelve schoeni, or seventy-two geographi- 
cal miles, which were made in four days : navi- 
gation against the current of course admiting 
but of a short distance each day. The island 
Tachompso might therefore be the island Ka- 
labshe, or another lying opposite, named Ghyr* 
she, about twenty miles farther. 

The river contains many islands, of which a 
more accurate statement is wanting, but the 
lake through which it is said to flow, is the 
great ditficulty. The river, it is true, sometimes 
spreads out to a greater or lesser breadth, but 
a lake is nowhere to be found. Was Herodotus 
then falsely informed? Or has the features of 
this region changed, and what was once a lake 
been choked up by sand ? It is difficult here 
to decide. At the time, however, of the yearly 
floods, it is certain that the Nile in many parts, 
where the mountain chains run back and suffer 
its waters to cover the whole valley, presents 
the appearance of a lake. The navigation up 
the stream continues, then, unobstructed as far 
as the second cataracts, which all agree in 
placing near Wady Haifa, 21^ 50'. They are 


* NoBJiEN, torn* ill, p. 47, 

^ Lkoii« p. 61« 



lot higher than those near Es-Souan ; Gau 
gives views of both ot them""; and Hanbury a 
description". Above this cataract the bed of 

Khe river is often interrupted by rocky shoals, 
vhich cause rapids. Senkowsky enumerates 
ive of these °; a third near Wady Attyr; a 
fourth near Wady Anibigo; a fifth under 2r, 
near Wady Lamul6, beyond which Burkhardt 
met with two others, the farthest on the north 
boundary of the kingdom of Dongola, 19" 30'. 
Thus far he states the navigation of the river to 
be obstructed; while Caillaud continues the 
interruption to Meraw<^, where the great falls, 
forty-five leagues wide, begin **. The Arabian 
geographers'' place the first cataract in Nubia, 
lear Bakin, ten days' journey above Es-Souan, 
hich is the same as that of Wady Haifa; the 
second near the island Sai, 20 j" ;. and the last 
lear the fortress of Astenum. Exact uni- 
Formity cannot be expected in these enume- 
itions, as the bed of the river is generally 
rocky, and two cataracts may easily be reckoned 
for one. Above the north boundary of Dongola 
the features of the country become much 
changed ; the mountain chains retire farther 
back ; the Nile, hitherto frequently pressed 
into a narrow channel» here spreads out into 


»■ Gait, plate 1. " Hanbcrv, elc. p. 6, 

*» StT^iKowsiiv, 1. c. ^ See hi» map. 

q Qv AT REM £ HE, Memoires aur VEgypte, il, p. 7» etc., in th« Memoirtsur la 
Nuhiff from Arabic maiiuscnpt«. The Arabian writers seem to reckon u 
one all the cataracts enumerated by Senkowsky. 



many branches, which enclose a number of 
fruitful isles, adorned with palm-groves, vine- 
yards, and meadows covered with numerous 
herds, especially of camels'. Similar accounts 
are given by the latest travellers. Every thing M 
mi^ht here, says one, be found in abundance*. 1 
The hopes this gave rise to were certainly 
disappointed ; but the devastation of con- 
temporary warfare, by the army of Ismael, 
pasha from Egypt, seems alone to have beea 
the cause. 

The foregoing researches bring us into the 
immediate vicinity of the junction of the As- 
taboras, or Tacazze, and the Nile ; that is, as 
will be presently shown, to the beginning of 
the ancient island of Meroe. It is time here 
to make a stand, and, before entering Mero^ 
to form an acquaintance with the monumente 
of the Nile valley thus far, to which I shall 
give the name of Nubian, The nature of the 
monuments, moreover, requires this division: 
for the region of the Pyramids begins in Meroe, 
as there has not yet been discovered any trace 
of them in Nubia. 

The valley of the Nile was once covered on 
both sides of the river with towns or villages, of 
which Pliny has left us the names, and only 
the names, of twenty on each side : in his time 
they no longer existed *, and he informs us that 
they were not destroyed by Roman wars, but 

' TbcM «re Lbe nunierauK isIusdM spokexi of by Dtoi»Qiiu», i. p^ 38« 
• HASBt nv, |>. 4, * Pun. H. N. «, 36, 




by the earlier contentions between Ethiopia 
and Egypt. These places must then necessarily 
have been very ancient ; and the great popula- 
tion of the upper valley of the Nile favours our 
carrying them back to the time of the Pharoahs. 
We have no right to suppose that any of these 
places were flourishing cities. The great works 
in architecture here, as well as in Egypt, were 
confined to public edifices ; the Nubian, during 
the day, lived almost entirely in the open air; 
his dwelling was little more than a resting place 
for the night. No wonder therefore that these 
slight built places, consisting merely of huts, 
should be swept from the earth, or become mere 
Tillages. Notwithstanding this, the ancient 
Parembole is still found in the present Debut, 
or Debod ; the name of Taphis is preserved in 
Tafa ; Kalabsh«'' is the ancient Talmis ; Pselcis 
is the present Dakke ; Metacompso the modern 
Kobban ; farther south is Primis, now Abrim ; 
all these are on this side of the first Nubian 

But though the dwellings of man have 
vanished, those of the gods remain. The series 
of temples begin again, on both sides of the 
Nile, almost immediately above the Egyptian 
cataracts. The first is that of Debod, twelve 
miles beyond PhÜEe, on the left bank of the 
Nile. At nearly the same distance, that of 
Kardassy ; and at only five miles farther that of 
^afa. Again, at nearly the same distance, the 



two temples of Kalabsh^, one built from the 
ground, the other hewn in the rocks. At about 
ten miles more the temple of Dandour; and 
again, at a like distance, the temple of GhjTshe, 
partly above ground, partly hewn out of a rock. 
In ten miles the temple of Dakke : at the samv 
distance that of Maharraka, and sixteen niile»! 
from thence that of Seboa, half built above, and 
half cut into the earth. Thirty miles farther 
stands the temple of Derar on the right side; and 
sixty miles farther the temple in the rocks of Ip* 
sambul, with its colossi» forty-eight miles below 
the second or first Nubian cataracts of Wady 
Haifa, near to which stands anotlier temple. 
Beyond this the chain is broken, and does not 
recommence till about one hundred and fifty 
miles farther, below the isle of Sai, where we 
meet with a lart^er temple; and then, thirty 
miles onward, is discovered the temple of Soleb, 
which Burkhardt takes for the most southern 
Egyptian temple. The first chain certainly 
ends here, but a new one begins on the frontiers 
of the ancient Meroe j for, about two hundred 
miles farther, near Meraw6, and the mountain 
Berkal lying close by, the temples appear 
accompanied with groups of pyramids. About 
two hundred and forty miles beyond we come 
to the junction of the Nile and Astaboras, 
immediately across which we enter the island 
Meroe, and proceeding about ninety miles, 
arrive at the temples and pyramidic ruins of 

rAP, n. 



he ancient city of Meroii, whose situation will 
jreseotly be more accurately determined. 
, Though I now intend to enter more fully 
tnto particulars, and to make some observations 
upon the most important of these monuments, 
IS they are represented to us by engravings, 
^et the reader must not expect that I shall go 
into any minute detail, which, indeed, without 
he plates before him, would rarely be under- 
itood. My principal object is by a glance at 
lome of them to collect materials for a few 
jeneral observations, which I shall afterwards 
)ring forward. In prosecuting this plan a 
jeographical arrangement will be most con- 

t anient, and I shall accordingly proceed up 
-Jie banks of the Nile, from the boundaries of 

The monument at the village of Debod, on 
;he left bank of the Nile, and the first above 
;he cataracts, is a temple, built and orna- 
[nented entirely in the Egyptian style". It 
is not one of the largest, nor most ancient, 
ind apparently was never finished. In the 
»anctuary stand two granite ??wnoiiiki, with 
biches cut in them, probably as recesses for 
the reception of the sacred animals. The 
sculptures on the walls leave no doubt of the 
temple's having been dedicated to Amraon. 
They contain libations and presents offered to 
Jiim and the kindred deities* 

Gkv, pble i — V. 



CHAP. tl. 

Of the temples of Kardassy* and Tafa% 
too little is left for much to be said respect- 
ing them. They also are completely in the 
Egyptian style, and must be ranked with the 
smaller. When that of Kardassy was perfect it 
must have afforded one of the richest views; 
Gau has attempted to restore it from the yet 
existing remains. 

The monuments at Kalabsht"^ rank among the 
most precious remains of antiquity *. There 
are two of them, one an edifice cut out of the 
rock, the other beneath it. The first is a temple 
on the left bank of the Nile belonging to the 
middle size, and is wholly in the Egyptian style 
of architecture. Tlie entrance is through a hijh 
portico into a colonnade, where many columns 
are still standing, of which Gau has given plates^ 
this leads into a covered hall of columns, theJi 
through two smaller saloons into the sanc- 
tuary. This monument is highly interesting 
from the bas-reliefs which ornament its walk. 
They are painted, and a copy of one of 
them is given in colours ^ They are offer- 
ings probably presented by the kings (as hi* 
headdress is adorned with the ureus, the little 
projecting serpent, the symbol of sovereignty) 
to Ammon and his subordinate gods. The 
colouring is very remarkable. Those who pre- 
sent the otTerings are always painted red, as 
they are elsewhere ; but the deities are green, 

« Gau, plate VÜ, viii, ii. J Ibid, plate %, li. 

' Ibid. |)t ate xii — xxi. " Ibid, plute kix, ^ Ibtd. plal« «»• 


rHAP. It. 




blue, grey, violet, and yellow. Upon all the 
monuments in the Egyptian style with which I 
am acquainted, the colour of the men is red ; 
that of the women yellow. We are therefore 
justified by our present knowledge, in con- 
sidering the other variours colours as appro- 
priated solely to the gods. The second relief, 
however, is still more important. Like the 
other, it represents offerings to the gods; but 
then there follow in addition, the purification 
and consecration of the person who tnakes 
the offering, the whole in four compart- 
ments ^ which I consider a series of pictures 
relating to one subject. In the first com- 
partment is offered a gift in a vessel, pro- 
bably dates, to Amnion (without the ram's 
head, but with the horns on the headdress), 
behind him Isis and the deity with the spar- 
row-hawk's head. The second gift, offered 
to the goddess alone, seems to consist of 
ostrich-feathers. The third of frankincense in 
a vessel, again to Ammon ; the fourth is very 
singular, it is a vessel upon which lies a 
utensil bearing the form of an eye. To these 
offerings follows, in the fifth compartment, the 
purification. Two priests sprinkle the candi- 
date for consecration with water ; in the sixth 
he stands with the priestly headdress on, 
between two priestesses, who rest one hand 
upon his shoulder and with the other seem to 

« Gai , plate x%h, 

A & 



OHkf* Ih 

consecrate him. Finally, be stands in the last 
between two priests (one with the sparrow- 
hawk's mask), who, laying hold of him^ surren- 
der to him the key, the emblem of conse- 

The second monument of Kalabshe, thougli 
pmaller, and of quite a different kind, is still 
more remarkable. It is not raised from the 
ground, but cut below its surface, being en- 
tirely hewn out of the rock. Its walls contain 
a series of bas-reliefs*". It is very simple, and 
ninety feet long by nearly sixty wide. Through 
a corridor of sixty feet is an entrance to an 
antechamber, and again, out of this, into an inner 
chamber. I do not consider it to be a temple, 
but take it for a sepulchre. On the back wall 
of the inner apartment are two groups, each of 
three persons, sitting on benches*. The middle 
one is the figure of a man, with a female sitting 
at his side embracing him. The figure on the 
other side is much mutilated; it seems to 
have had the sparrow-hawk's head. The man 
in the centre has the lituus; the woman on th« 
side has the iTwditis on her head ; every 
thing about them seems to prove that they are 
priests and priestesses. In stating my opinion 
that the whole is a sepulchre, or rather a family 
vault, I must observe that I do not come to 
this conclusion so much from the appearance 
of the building itself, as because there are 

Gau, pUte XÜ, «iii* xtv. 

* Ibid. plAl6 siiu 

f?HAF. fr. STATE OF MEROE, ETC. 355 

family vaults very siuiiiar at EleiUhias in 

Egypt. But the most important part of this 

monument are the reliefs, of which I must 

premise that they seem to have nothing in 

common with the groups just mentioned. The 

latter are wrought in a ruder style, the figures 

^>eing short and crowded, whereas the reliefs 

|l>ear altogether the character of the perfected 

Egyptian art. The reliefs on one of the walls 

of the rock, represent warlike transactions in 

four compartments, again forming a single 

series. In the first the king or chief is standing 

ID his war-chariot, driving among his flying 

Mnemies, who are the eastern pastoral tribes 

^o often exhibited in similar circumstances. In 

^he second, the king takes the hostile leader 

^^ptive, as he gripes him by his hair. He is 

known as leader by his great size. lu the third 

Ee king is seated, and the captives pass before 
m. They are three in number ; the tirst two 
most naked, the third in a long garment, all 
with their hands bound. In a lower compart- 
ment is represented the expedition of the 
victorious army by a group of Egyptian war- 
riors* In the fourth the king sacrifices the 
captive leader, who is cringing iraploringty at 
his feet ; he is represented as about to kill him 
with a crooked sword or dagger. Cycles of 
representations of this kind frequently occur in 
the Egyptian reliefs. 

The relief on the other wall of the rock is 
still more remarkable ; not only because there 

A a 2 



üBAP. n 

is no other of the same kind at present known» 
but because its meaning is so obvious. It fills 
two long compartments, one over the other; 
both, as is at once seen, forming but one sub- 
ject ^ It is neither a procession of priests, nor 
an otfering of tribute as at Persepolis. It re* 
presents a king, after a victorious expedition» 
reviewing the booty. The king, known by his 
tall figure, is seated on a throne in full regal 
costume. He seems, though out of battle, m 
priest*king. In bis right hand he holds the 
sceptre and the key of consecration, the left is 
raised ■ he appears to be speaking ; on his beail 
is the sacerdotal bonnet, with the emblem c* 
sovereignty, and the globe. An herald pre- 
sents a woman to him ; she is without orna- 
ment, and imploring him with upraised hands. 
Two grown up boys are clinging to her. Can 
we here see a captive queen and her two som, 
perhaps doomed as sacrifices ? She cannot be 
a common prisoner, as she is placed before all 
the rest, as the most important of the booty. 
We have here, however, more than mere cofl' 
jecture. History, as well as the monuments, 
confirm this view ; as w^e soon shall see near 
Meroe. Behind the queen follows the booty; 
weapons, utensils, as chairs, fruits, clothes, 
skins, flagons, bread, etc., set out upon tables. 
Then follow wild beasts, with their leaders; a 
lion and a goat ; then cattle, a pair of steer« 

' ÜAtr» plate xiv. 

iAF. 11, STATE OF MEROE, ETC, 357 

Kth horns artificially bent, next drivers, and 
len bearing skins and ebony. This is in the first 
' jce. The second begins with some Egyptian 
irriors ; a parcel of flowers and fruits ; cap- 
res, the first with a halter round his neck, 
other bound, both led by Egyptians (always 
kiown by their headdress), the prisoners are 
^ded with skins ; again come the beasts, a 
bund, a man, with apes and ebony ; after 
lese come a giraft'e, led by a halter, a gazelle, 
|K)ther pair of steers with artificially bent 
irns, and their leaders. Women with their 
juldren next follow; one is leading an ape; 
jro others are borne in a basket ; a gazelle, an 
krich, a hound, with a leader to each, who 
imetimes are likewise laden with ebony. — If 

Ere is no doubt respecting the nature of this 
cession, neither is there respecting the 
ntries represented. Every thing shows them 
I be of Ethiopia, Meroe, and of central Africa, 
list the captive queen. History informs us 
.t Meroe was often governed by queens ; and 
moreover find them portrayed as heroines 
victors upon the monuments. That the 
»lives, especially princes, were frequently 
icrificed is shown by many of the sculptures. 
t is not, therefore, without reason that she 
iplores for the lives of herself and terrified 
ms. The costly furniture, tables, stools, 
jbthes, weapons, etc., show that a rich and 
vilized people had been conquered. Kine, 
ith their horns artificiallv bent, are still found 



CHAP. tt. 

Uli the east coast of Africa, among the Kaffcrs. 
The prisoners being; girded with skins is ex* 
plained by Herodotus. " The Ethiopians in 
Xerxes' army/' he tells us. " were girded about 
with skins of panthers and lions*." But the 
wild beasts are particularly remarkable; the 
apes, the ostriches, and the giraffe, could oaly 
be found at a great distance from Meroe, in the 
deserts of central Africa. Yet we find neither 
the powerful rhinoceros, nor the mighty ele- 
phant ; a certain proof of its not yet being 
lamed. And before whom was this procession 
exhibited? Before an Egyptian ruler; but 
who, his deciphered name may perhaps some 
time explain. If we question history, its answer 
will be Sesostris (also called Ramesses) the 
Ethiopian conqueror ; he who so often appears 
on the Egyptian monuments ; and certainly 
upon those, which, like the present, belong 
to the flourishing period of Egyptian art. 
What this monument represents can no longer 
be doubtful, — Ike conquest of Ethiopia ami Mem 
by the Pharaohs, 

That this monument was hewn out beyond 
the boundaries of Egypt, in Nubia, the con- 
quered country, is not at all strange ; and that 
the side of a rock should be chosen for the 
purpose is quite conformable to the custom of 
the primitive ages. Whether it stood ia any 
particular relation with the sepulchre or not, 

« llimoDt vH, 60. 




I cannot decide. It will scarcely be taken for 
the tomb of the Egyptian chief, whose glory 
the relief perpetuates. In its interior is repre- 
sented the consecration or purification and 
sprinkling of the Egyptian ruler, just the same 
as it is in the sculpture of the temple above 
ground''. Some religious motives seem there- 
fore to have determined the choice of this par- 
ticular spot. Four heads on the relief portrayed 
in a larger size, and two portraits of Nubians 
placed opposite, induced Mr. Gau to call our 
attention to tlie similarity between the present 
features of many of the African nations and 
those almost always found represented upon 
the monuments*. 

The temple at Dandour, however important in 
itself, only offers us a repetition of the scenes 
which we have already noticed''. This is not the 
case with that at Ghyrshe, which next follows in 
ascending the stream. We here, for the first 
time, find the grotto and temple architecture 
combined in the erection of a monument. The 
original foundation is a grotto hewn out of the 
solid rock, before which, at a later period, a 
portico has been erected. 

The plan of the grotto is very simple'. 
Through a porch we enter a saloon ; and 
beyond this is an inner apartment. It was 
evidently intended originally as a sepulchre 
for several families, as is proved by the five 

^ IbkL tabic xxiii— xxvi. 

' Ibid. Lahle xvi. 
' Ibid, table xjivii. 



groups found in the back ground«». The upper, or 
principal group consists of four ögures, sittiDg 
on a bench; the four lower groups, each of three 
figures standing. In each is a man, and a wo- 
man embracing him, and a subordinate figure. 
They bear emblems of the priesthood ; I there- 
fore doubt not but they are families of priests. 
The vestibule consists of an open colonnade, m 
which, as well as in the hall of columns, stand 
gigantic figures of priests of Osiris as cartf- 
atides, on the pilasters". *' On these/* says Bel- 
zoni, *' may be distinguished the very ancient 
from the later sculptures. The artist was 
merely able to show that he intended them for 
human figures, which figures are so bad that 
they could only have been formed after an 
Ethiopian model*." 

The temple at Dakke is one of the best 
preserved ^ The entrance, separated from the 
temple, still remains, as well as the temple 
itself with its propyla. It is very remarkable 
that over the entrance is a Greek inscription^ 
certainly of one of the Ptolemeysi ; either the 
first or second Evergetes. By comparing it, 
however, with the Rosetta inscription, it ap- 
pears to be the first of this name, or the third 
in the succession of Ptolemeys ; and it there» 

■» Gav, table xia. ►' Ibid, plalc %%ix, 

^ B&Lzo>i|. Aarrdtif)« iff ihe tfp&ratwn» in Egypt and Ntthin, p. 71. 

P Gaiu plate xrxiv — xxxvii. 

1 Ibid, plate XXXV. 'Evip ßaviX 0«i> «f leave do <)0ibt 

i>i ihe fad. QolwillwHiodiog ihc muulated suie of ihu iraeriptioii. 




fore affords us a proof, that he extended his 
conquests and dominion into these regions; the 
monument of Adule may therefore be in part 
or altogether ascribed to him. The sculpture 
on the walls represent gifts offered to Ammon 
and his temple companions. They are remark- 
able as picturing not only the king but his con- 
sort presenting offerings'. They are, moreover, 
in the purest and most perfect style of Egyp- 
tian art. 

The following temple at Maharraka still 
shows traces of Grecian art*. Over the en- 
trance is a half-reclining female figure, partly 
Egyptian, and partly Greek; near this a Greek 
inscription, attesting the adoration of a whole 
family, of which a boy is represented as offer- 
ing the gift. ** Nowhere, ' says Belzoni, *' did 
I see Egyptian and Grecian rites more evidently 

The monument at Asseboa, or Sebu, which 
next follows, is still far more important". It is 
not one of the largest but one of the most 
finished temples. First, a magnificent portico, 
followed by an alley of sphinxes ; leading to 

■v See io pamcular the krg« lower relief in plate xixviii. Botli the lung 
Sd queen (distinguished by the vreu») are offeTjog gifts -, ho a large dish, 
wHh vesMls, and »he a wreath of flowers. Behind them are two of their 
followen, also husband and wife (without the emblem uf dominion), with 
cattle and poultry. The same relief is twioc repeated on each side, in 
every particular. Can we forbear then to consider it as I'tolcmey III» and 
his con&ort Berenice? 

* Gat, vignette, livr. viU. 

* Belzom, Narratitc^ p. 73, 

* GaI', table xlii— xWii. 



chaf. ]i. 

the first pylon, before which sit two colossal 
figures. Through this we pass into an open 
colonnade, and out of this into a covered 
hall of columns, with priests of Osiris instead 
of caryatides on the pillars. Next follows the 
sanctuary with the representation of die holy 
ark. All this is above ground ; but there are 
several rooras joining thereto hewn in the rock. 
Thus we find the case here to be the reverse of 
what it is in the temple at Ghyrshe. For there 
the temple is hewn in the rock, and only the 
vestibule stands free ; while here >ve have the 
temple free, and only the subordinate building 
hewn in the rock. The greatest part of the 
temple, however, is covered with sand. The 
sphinxes are of one peculiar shape ; they bear 
the high priest's bonnet, which I do not re- 
member to be the case anywhere else. The 
reliefs in the interior, with their colours, etxe in 
fine preservation ; representing gifts offered to 
Aramon and his kindred gods. They must be 
ranked, according to the plates of Gau, among 
those of the perfected Egyptian art ; althougbi 
according to Legh, they are, at least the hiero- 
glyphics, of a ruder character. ** Probably," 
says he, " this monument is more ancient than 
the Egyptian \" 

The temple of Amada, half buried in sand, 
bears a cupola, a proof of its having been 
adapted to the Christian worship ^. Champol- 

* Lfctiii» p. 66, 

T Gav, tabk xlviif 



lion, nevertheless, has demonstrated its high 
antiquity, by discovering upon it the name of 
Pharaoh Thutmosis, the expeller of the 
„Hyksos *. 

P* The monument of Derar, notwithstanding its 
small size, is still remarkable*. It is altogether 
cut in the rock, without any building before it. 
The plan is exceedingly simple. It was a 
temple of Amnion. The procession of the 
holy ark is represented in the sanctuary ^ The 
king comes forward kneeling, and presents an 
offering ; but upon another wall he kills a 
captive, evidently intended as a sacrifice. The 
god with the falcon's head advances, and 
brings to the king the sword or dagger. A 
similar subject is portrayed in the temples of 

We now approach those stupendous monu- 
ments which, principally by the exertions of 
Belzoni, have been rescued from the sand and 
restored to day, and are celebrated under the 
probably corrupted name of Ipsambul through- 
out Europe ^ They are two rock-monuments, 
a smaller and a larger. The first, nearest the 
Nile, shows itself to the passing vessels, by six 
gigantic figures, which seem, as it were, to keep 
watch before it. Burkhardt and other travellers 
had already mentioned this : but behind it. 

* CuAMPOLLioN, Spsteme itter&gttijikiiiuft p. 241. 

* Gau, table I, li, lii* 
^ Gait, table li. 

^ In Gau, Abu&amliu), lahlc Iv. 



riiAP. II. 

and still aimost entirely covered with sand, out 
of which only the heads of two vast colossal 
figures project, is the great temple itself; these 
two figures, standing like sentinels before its 
entrance. Bclzoni not only discovered it, but 
with astonishing perseverance cleared away 
the sand, and laid it open to view. And what 
sensations he must have experienced as the 
light broke in and gradually revealed, by its 
solemn glimmer, these gigantic forms ! Be- 
fore the entrance four colossal figures sit as 
guards, the largest yet known, being sixty-five 
feet high 1' — in the interior, first the colonnade, 
with gis^antic figures of Osiris on the pilasters, 
nearly thirty feet high : the walls full of sculp- 
tures representing battles and triumphs. Out 
of this we step into a hall of columns, with 
similar gigantic figures ; next to this an ante- 
chamber, which is followed by the sanctuary, 
with many side chambers. In the back grouad 
is a colossal figure silting upon a bench ; and 
similar ones arc in the side chambers. In the 
midst of the sanctuary stands a pedestal ^ 
This monument is usually called a temple» yet 
I will venture to maintain that it was no temple, 
but intended for a sepulchre. The object in 
the sanctuary proves the truth of ray opinion. 
An object like this is never seen so situated 
in any Egyptian temple, though it is common 
enough in the sepulchres. We have already 

'1 In UfLto?* I the iwo last plates but one ; io Gau, ihe tifty-foufii» »wl 

CHAP. If. 



seen proofs of this at Kalabsh^. But still it was a 
family tomb, perhaps of priests ; but here it seems 
highly probable that we have the sepulchre 
of a king- If the monument had been originally 
a temple, a monolUlms would have stood in the 
sanctuary. Instead of that we have here a 
pedestal» upon which probably a sarcophagus 
once stood. What ruler it was, who has here 
taken up his last abode I dare not venture to 
decide. If it were an Ethiopian king, then 
have we here again the archetype of the kings' 
tombs at Thebes, but the latter, although cer- 
tainly not larger, were far superior in magni- 

^¥hat is here said of the larger monument 
applies also to the snialler ; and is still farther 
confirmed by Gaus having given a plate of the 
inner sanctuary, as well as a view of the 
facade. Six colossal, though smaller figures, 
stand here as sentinels; three on each side, 
each middle figure being that of a female. 
They are priests and priestesses, as is shown 
not only by the headdress, but also by the key, 
the emblem of consecration, which even the 
females retain : in the men the upper part 
seems to be broken oft. The subjects on the 
walls of the colonnade are of the same kind as 
in the large monument ; scenes of war and 
trium[)hs. But the most important are the 
painted reliefs in the sanctuary '. Four figures 

• Qaw Übte Jiv. 



:ujtr. It' 

are portrayed, all sitting on a bench. They arc 
not however of one family. The red, principal 
figure I take to be the king, placed between 
two deities, which they appear to be, the one 
on tlie right from his bluish colour, the one on 
the left from his falcon-head. The fourth 
figure on the side, of a yellow colour, I cannot 

The monuments hitherto spoken of lie alto* 
gether on this side the second cataract, which 
is about forty-five miles distant from Ipsainbul. 
But as beyond this the monuments become 
rarer, the temple of Soleb, 20^ 2Cr, which Wad- 
dington has described and Caillaud delineated, 
must not be passed by^ According to the 
first it is among the lightest built temples; but 
nevertheless interesting to us from the sculp» 
tures, of which Caillaud has given engravings. 
Among them are prisoners with their arms 
bound behind them, one a negro, with a com- 
plete negro profile^. Every thing about this 
temple however is entirely in the Egyptian 
style; Burkhardt therefore is perfectly right ia 
marking it on his map as the most southern 
monument of this kind, wishing to keep it dis* 
tinct from those of Meroe, at which we shall 
presently arrive. 

Let us now consider the observations to 
which this acquaintance with the monument« 
and inquire what certain and what 

' WAnDt?j«jTox. p. 17L Cjkthhktip, plate xii, xiv. 
■ L'Aii.t.Aitß, plale 3tiv. 




probable results may be deduced therefrom. 
And first it is certain that the relig^ion, rites, 
and arts of Egypt were not confined to its 
proper territory, but extended to the upper 
valley of the Nile. We see the same deities 
worshipped here as in Egypt ; though the 
number is somewhat less. The rites of Amnion 
everywhere predominate ; and after his, those 
of his temple companions and kindred- He 
himself occasionally appears with the rara*s 
head, and sometimes in a human shape ; but 
still with the attributes which distinguish him 
as Ammon. Next to him comes his son Osiris, 
known by the scourge and sceptre. A female 
form always accompanies both these where 
the space will allow it : Ammon, with the 
ram's head, by his wife Satis. He, however, 
as well as Osiris, is often accompanied by 
Isis, known by the cow's horns in her head- 
dress, between which is placed a globe of the 
world or sun. The other deities bear the heads 
of animals, especially those of the falcon and 
dog. I leave the farther particulars respecting 
them to mythologists ; all that is required here 
is to determine in a general way the prevailing 

In speaking of the monuments it is necessary 
to distinguish between the architecture itself, 
and the ornaments which they have received 
from the hand of the sculptor''. 

* (.'iiAMi'OLLiON« Sy«t. fin Hi*rttghphr* , p. Ö9, 




The cliaracter of the architecture is upon tlie 
whole decidedly the same ; but still there is a 
progress in it, which, in my opinion, is not to 
be mistaken. In the monuments of Egypt we 
find this art in its greatest perfection, and per- 
haps, at times, even in its decline ; but here 
we see it in its rise and progress. The small 
grottos, especially those of Derar, appear to 
me to exhibit the earliest attempts of the art; 
these were afterwards improved ; but how 
many shades of improvement must the art have 
undergone before it attained that sublime mas;- 
nitude in which it exists at Ipsambul. I think 
however that 1 have proved that these grottos, 
at least originally, were not temples, but sepul- 
chres. That this was the case with all I cannoi 
venture to determine ; I shall speak only ol 
those in which the above-mentioned object is 
found in the sanctuary ; and I feel convinced 
of its being so at Kalabsh^, Ghyrshe, and 
Ipsambul. Respecting the monument at Dera 
I have some doubts, from there being no accu 
rate delineation of the sanctuary. 

The science of architecture therefore com- 
menced with grottos and the tombs within 
them, and became perfected by degrees. Aocl 
is not this a proof that this architecture was 
indigenous and not of foreign origin ? Do we 
not see that its first attempt was the construe 
tiou of tombs, and is not that a striking proof 
that it was not of Indian origin? For though 
we are acquainted with mighty grotto-works iß 



India, yet have we nowhere the least trace of 
their having been sepulchres. The disciples 
of Brama, in fact, do not bury their dead ; they 
burn them. 

The rock-monuments determined very natu- 
rally the principal character of the Niibian- 
Eo^yptian architecture to the colossal Form 
which it assumed. In those caverns, already 
partly prepared by nature, the eye was accus- 
tomed to dwell on huge shapes and masses ; so 
that when art came here to the assistance of 
nature, it could not move on a small scale with- 
out degrading itself. What would statues of 
the usual size, or neat porches and wings, have 
been, associated with those gigantic halls, be- 
fore which only colossi could sit as watchmen, 
or lean on the pillars of the interior ? 

From the grottos this architecture trod forth 
into the open air. And is it not sufficiently 
evident how the monuments of Nubia under- 
went this change ? We have seen them, like 
that of Ghyrshe, half in the rock and half 
in the open air. This union is still im- 
portant on another account, it proves as clearly 
as possible» that the grotto monuments are 
the most ancient. For no rational being will 
believe that the porticos are older than the 

But, notwithstanding I maintain that these 
grotto buildings, in their origin, were sepulchres, 
I do not deny but that they might afterwards 

B b 

370 ETHIOPIANS. cBä9.n. 

have become temples. Religious ideas eaftil|^ 
associate themselves with repositories of the 
dead : and if a certain veneration was shown 
to the deceased kings, — which we now know, 
from the Rosetta inscription^ to have been the 
case with regard to the Ptolemeys, who in 
deed were but the successors of the Pharaohs^ 
—then, indeed, their sepulchres must likewise 
have been temples, where they were oot made 
expressly inaccessible. 

Architecture, however, quitted its junction 
with the grottos, and mounted a third step, 
by erecting monuments unconnected with these 

All these edifices, without exception, so fer 
as they are yet known, are temples ; we 
find none beyond^ which we can hold ourselves 
justified in calling sepulchres, or, as in Thebes, 
palaces. I have already remarked, and their 
appearance testifies to its truth, that they bear 
throughout the character of Egyptian architec- 
ture. How far the earlier or later Egyptian 
style can be distinguished in them, I must 
leave to the judgment of architects. One 
difference 1 cannot pass over in silence. Not- 
withstanding the Nubian temples, like the 
Egyptian, exhibit pylones, colossi, colonnades» 
column-halls, and sanctuaries, yet there is no- 
where to be found among them an obelisk, or 
the least trace of one. The magnificence which 
these proud monuments imparted was confined 


CHAP. It. 



to Egypt*; and this alone is a proof that they 
were first erected in that country, where the 
architecture of the valley of the Nile was im- 
proved and carried to its highest perfection. 

From the architecture let us turn to the 
sculpture or reliefs, with which the walls and 
columns of these monuments, as well below as 
above g^round, are so profusely ornamented. 
And here at once a question presses itself 
upon our attention, namely : in wrhat relation 
did these stand to the monuments t Did 
they form a part of them originally, or were 
they added at a later period ? Are they by the 
same artists, or by others ? Who would not at 
once decide in favour of the first, and consider 
the monuments and decorations as forming one 
w^hole, if a great difficulty did not, at the first 
glance, present itself. In the architecture, and 
even in the colossal statues, we have traced a 
progress, from the first attempts almost to their 
perfection; while in the reliefs nothing of the 
kind is discernible : they all belong to the 
perfected Egyptian art. How then can we 
account for sculpture having already attained 
this perfection, w hile architecture w as gradually 
progressive in its improvement? I can only 
explain this extraordinary circumstance, con- 
nected with the rock-monuments, by supposing 
that their walls were not ornamented with 
reliefs till a later period ; and that the sculp- 

< Thai of Axuiii, whicU wlU l» hereafter jpaken of, does not belong to 

Ö b 2 



ture has no connection with their original des- 
tination as sepulchres. Whoever will compare 
the sitting figures, which represent family 
groups of the deceased, with those on the - 
wallj will tind no resemblance whatever be-B 
tween them either in countenance or shape. In 
the reliefs these are invariably long and slen- 
der ; but in the sitting figures, short and thick. 
These observations apply particularly to the 
monuments of Kalabshe and Ipsambul ; in 
those built from the ground there is no such 
disproportion between architecture and sculp- 
ture. Until the deciphering of the hieroglyphjc 
writing, therefore, shall give us better in- 
formation, I shall consider it probable, that the 
Egyptian rulers, who invaded Nubia, made use 
of the ancient rock-monuments, which they 
found already existing, and endeavoured to per- 
petuate their fame as victors and conquerors, by 
pictorial representations on the walls of their 
pious and heroic deeds. The latest discoveries 
of Champollion confirm this view of the sub- 
ject. Ramasses the Great, otherwise called 
Sesostris, was the hero thus honoured; every 
part of the great monuments of Ipsambul, 
Kalabsh^, Derar, Ghyrshe, and Seboa, bear 
records of his fame 

The subjects portrayed on these monuments 
may be mostly comprised under three classes: 
adorations, processions, and military triumphs. 

* CnampollioiTi Precis du S^$Um9 HierQglyphiqtitt^t)^ 




It is necessary, however, before entering upon 
them in detail, to premise a few general ob- 

All accounts agree in attributing these temple 
buildings to the kings.^But for v^^hat purpose 
were they erected? They are described to us 
as memorials, by which the remembrance of 
the kings was preserved by the priesthood ; for 
the Egyptian priests contessed to Herodotus, 
that of those kings who had left no monuments 
they could relate nothing more than a catalogue 
of names'. But in what sense were these 
buildings memorials of their founders? Were 
they merely such that at the most they did but 
preserve the remembrance of a ruler ; or rather 
might not the representations on the walls, — 
those numerous reliefs with which they are 
covered,— have had a farther object; namely^ 
that of exhibiting the history of the king's 
reign? The nature of things seems to require 
our assent to this view of the subject, which is 
farther confirmed by the historical passages, 
those military triumphs, which we find por- 
trayed upon them. This matter, however, will 
appear in a clearer light, if we fairly consider 
what the history of the reigns of these kings 
would comprise. 

They are priest-kings ; that is, kings who, if 
they did not by law belong to the priest-caste, 
were yet held in great dependence by that 

< HEiioin ii> 101 




body; a dependence not consisting in mere 
words» but in an uctive expression of their 
reverence by sacrifices and offerings, which, 
nevertheless, were not without recompense; 
but, on the part of the priesthood, were re- 
turned in favours to tlie rulers^ to them of im- 
portance ; among which reception into the 
caste, and promotion, were perhaps deemed— as 
among the Indians — the highest. 

The history of such kings was therefore ne- 
cessarily twofold. One ecclesiastical, which 
comprised the homages offered to the priests, 
and the recompenses received for them; the 
other political, which contained the enterprises 
ot the kings, and, above all, their military ex* 

I scarcely need state which of these two the 
priests would consider most deserving their 
attention. Though the political ranks highest 
with us» the other certainly had the highest 
claims to their regard. 

Now if the temples of the kings were erected 
for the preservation of their memory, would 
they not have desired, above all things, to per- 
petuate their history by them in the way just 
explained? The contrary is almost incon- 
ceivable; but a more accurate view of the 
monuments, and the information, lately ob- 
tained, leads to the result we should have 

We have another proof that political or mili- 
tary history ranked below the ecclesiastical: 





not' only the disproportion in the numbers of 
the two show tliis (that of the historical reliefs 
being very insignificant compared with the 
others), but also the places assigned them ; the 
representation of political affairs being confined 
to the outside of the pyiones, and perhaps the 
partition walls of the open hall of pillars, and 
even not exclusively to these. The battle 
pieces extend no farther. The triumphal pro- 
cessions, which, from their offerings to the gods, 
pertain to the ecclesiastical character, obtain at 
best only a place in the covered column hall ; 
consequently in the place where the people 
assembled and worshipped, but never in the 
inner sanctuary. This is sacred to religious 
affairs ; although these previously occupy al- 
most the whole of the walls and columns of the 
vestibule and halls; indeed even the fafade of 
the pyiones. Everything, in short, proves that 
religion was here predominant, and that what 
we should regard as most important was thrown 
here into the back ground. 

These ecclesiastical pictures, then, claim uur 
first attention ; and who indeed could help 
asking, even at a cursory glance, for what they 
were intended ? Were they merely decorations 
of the walls? or, if their general object was 
the promotion of religion, had they not par- 
ticular and special objects as well ? What can 
we make of them, and especially of the nu- 
merous repetitions of the same circumstance, 
unless we adopt some such notion as this ? 



CHAP, ti- 

lt appears to me, that the late discoveries) 
especially the Greek inscriptions, for copies of 
which we are indebted to Gau and Caillaud, 
lead to a farther solution, by being: compared 
with what we find exhibited upon the roost 
ancient monuments, These Greek inscriptions 
give us important information respecting the 
solemn adoration " of the Egyptian deities^ upon 
the cercniunial with which they were per- 
formed, and their relation to the temple, and 
the views with which they were made and 

These adorations were solemn acts which a 
man performed, with the approbation of the 
priests, for himself, or even for his family. 
They were not, however, celebrated empty* 
handed, but accompanied with gifts and of- 
ferings ; and for these the donor obtained that 
the remembrance thereof, and the honors cod- 
ferred on account of them, should be preserved 
by an inscription on the walls of the temple. 
To this class belonp^ the numerous Greek, and, 
in part, the Egyptian inscriptions, which the 
travellers I have so often mentioned copied" 

■• The Greek expression is Ä-poffjfvv^/iaro. 

" See fn |»rticiilar ihe mscription of Caitasche given by Gau. TIk 
tiüe of priest wa« the hooour obiaioed ; and this dignity was iijany ticn(* 
repeated, and raiited the rank oC the pe^^^^ns on whom it was coofctred, till 
they oblaioed the title of chicf-priest (dpxu^i>c^, and father of the ptiat* 
{•irarTlp rGtv upcji^). It is certain that it was procured for moDcy ; 
are examples of fifteen, twenty« and even thirty pieces of gotd beinf y^ 
for It. A certain Maknnu« paid one hundred and ten for two Ittlfir 
Another gave a talent and upwaids, lo Uie ift&criptioo, number »»•, i 


■" This is the adoration of such a one," soine- 
times with the addition of the sum which he 
had paid to the temple. A kind of tax, indeed, 
became formed, which a man paid once or 
more, according as he desired honours or grants 
from the temple. These consisted of priestly 
titles, and of privileges connected with them ; 
perhaps something like those which a pil- 
grimage to the holy cities now gives to the 

^disciples of Islam. The persons who came to 
worship were often pilgrims from distant lands 
(the reader may bear in mind the customs of 
the east, and the example from holy writ of the 

■chamberlain of queen Candace, who came to 
worship at Jerusalem) ; though it was not re- 
ligion and piety aloue which induced many to 
undertake the distant journey. 

»It appears from the inscriptions, that it was 
piostly persons of the higher ranks, such as 
statesmen, commanders, governors, and the 
like, that procured these titles for their ado- 
rations ; as might indeed be expected from the 
expense with which they were attended ; 
though it is not likely that the gifts of the 
inferior classes were disdained. But, what is 
of particular consequence to us, even the kings 
of the house of Ptolemey were followers of this 
custom» The temples of Philte contain many 
inscriptions of kings who had celebrated such 

price of the title of under- priest is eatimaledi al thirty pieces of goliJ» and 
thftt of chief-priest at »ixly. Coraparc the observalipns ofNitBUKR, in 
DUtf^latiftfi, p. 13, 



CHAP. 11* 

adorations, and perpetuated the remembrance 
thereof by inscriptions*'. And if the explan- 
ation I have above given concerning Ptolemey 
Evergetes and his consort be correct, v^helher 
it be the first or second of that name, it be- 
comes clear that it was done not merely by 
inscriptions, but also by pictorial represent- 
ations on the walls, which, probably, in the 
latter period of these monarchs, fell into dis- 
use, as the Greek language became usual for 
inscriptions ; which was not so well adapted 
as hieroglyphics to accompany pictorial repre- 
sentations: other causes which occurred under 
the latter Ptolemeys may also have operated* 

Let us apply these observations to the period 
of the Pharaohs, and its monuments, and with 
what increased interest shall we then regard 
the work of the sculptor, whose appearance 
testifies that they for the most part relate to 
such adorations. Whether these were only 
offered by kings, or by others as well, I will 
not venture to determine; but that the greatest 
proportion of them are royal oblations is shown 
by the ensigns of dominion with which the 
offerings are so frequently adorned. To ex- 
plain the whole, it would be necessary to have 
the ritual of the priests, which, unfortunatelVi 
we are without. From that we might learn how 
this or that oblation was connected with its 
attendant ceremony ; how it gave the right lo 

" S«e the proofs ia the Diuertution already quoted« p. 21, Th« kUi|;* 
were some of I he t;iat ol the house of FtoJcnxey. 




wear this or that ornament on the head, or this 

or that ensign of the priesthood ; how they led 

to washings and purifications, and at last even 

to admission into the priestly order; as this 

is many times represented in a manner not to 

mistaken. Add to this, that Amnion was 

the deity of an oracle, and that many of these 

adorations could have no other object than that 

of obtaining favourable oracles from him, which 

none could require more than kings in their 

terprises. The difterence, therefore, between 

e earlier and later usage consisted in this, 

the later period the matter was merely re- 

orded by an incription, while in the more 

cient it was perpetuated by a pictorial repre- 

ntation of the act itself, accompanied, how- 

ver, with hieroglyphic writing, a farther key 

r the solution of which may perhaps be soon 

brded us. What, however, was represented 

ould naturally be no more than the prescribed 

remony ; the more trifling oiferings must cer* 

inly have been very difl"erent from the sums 

aid for admission into the priesthood. 

I cannot, therefore, consider these pictorial 

presentations as mere ornaments, or the fau- 

iful creations of art; I regard them as his- 

rical. They set forth the ecclesiastical life 

f these priest-kings. And if it be remembered, 

at the completion of one of these stupendous 

onuments required centuries, and this is a 

act beyond all doubt, it may then be conceived 



cnA9. tu 

how one of them might contain the church an- 
nals of an empire. 

And do not these ideas completely harmonise 
with what Champollion, the most acute in- 
quirer into these subjects ^ has said upon the 
origin of these monuraents? ''The study of them 
shows," he says, ** that the Egyptians in gene- 
ral first erected the great masses of these 
edifices; covered them with large plain sur- 
faces, and only completed at first the orna- 
mental part of the architecture, when they 
polished and prepared all the smooth surfaces of 
the monument. After these labours the reliefe 
were set about» and ornamented with innumer- 
able hieroglyphic characters, which covered the 
pillars and walls. This was the decoration of 
the monument, and proved the longest oper* 
ation» and required the most care. Many 
reigns might pass by, many dynasties might 
succeed each other, ere the decoration of one 
of these stupendous monuments was com' 
pleted." In all this I agree with the learned 
writer ; the works left unfinished prove its 
truth, I cannot, however, believe that these 
were mere decorations. The foregoing re- 
marks place these phenomena not only in s 
clearer, but in a more natural light. 

In addition, however, to the ecclesiastical 
history of these priest-kings, their political i* 

f Nifuvellet Annalu dn Voyages, torn, xiii. p. 4] 6. 

cWLf. fr. 



also portrayed upon the walls of their monu- 
ments; their military expeditions, tlieir battles, 
their triumphs. These representations, how- 
ever, are evidently copies of those in Thebes ; • 
they display the deeds of Egyptian conquerors, 
who wished to perpetuate their remembrance 
in the conquered countries» on the monuments 
they found there, of which I have already given 
proofs. In my researches upon Egypt I shall 
examine this subject more particularly, and 
shall, therefore, confine myself here to one 
Remark respectinpr Nubia. 
^B It is an important circumstance, that Egyptian 
^Brt should always have been so careful to 
^^istin^^uish the conquered nations in these pic- 
tures by their colour, features, clothing, and 
arms. Their variety, however, is not so great 
upon the Nubian monuments as upon those of 
Thebes ''. Negroes, known by their profile» 
only occur once or twice as captives ^ The 
remainder, throughout, have the same colour, 
physiognomy, beard, and clothing: the colour 
is yellow, the clothing long, the beard short 
but projecting, the hair black, and on the 
females hanging down in ties'. Though it may 
appear strange that we here see the same na- 
tions warred upon by the Egyptian rulers, who 

1 See especially the relief» in>on ibo lombs of the kings in Belioni, 
plate vii, viii, whefe the people of white, red, and black Lolour, arc dis- 
tingruisheii likewise by iheir clothing and phy^iiognomy. 

r See above, p. 2G6, 

• 8ee 

Gal-, table xiv, anA Ki. 



indeed often governed Nubia> that we so 
see in Egypt itself, yet is this not to be won- 
dered at, because the inhabitants of both 
countries had the same enemies. Nubia, like 
Egypt, was surrounded by pastoral nations, 
whom the most formidable were those towards 
the Arabian gulf. The conquering of herds- 
men, which is so common a circumstance in 
the hi.story of Egypt, is not less so in that of 
Nubia. The greatest and longest wars were 
carried on against them, and are, therefore, 
represented upon the monuments. There can 
be no doubt of their being pastoral nations; 
for they are not only accompanied by w^omeo 
and children, as nomads usually are, but even 
the flying herds are portrayed*. Whether 
Arabian or Libyan nomads I will not venture 
to decide; it is easier shown that both had 
their seat in these regions : the yellow colour» 
the clothing and hair, seem to argue for their 
being Arabs. The fruitful valley of the Nile, 
with its treasures and temples, could not but 
often allure them to plunder and inroads. 

The most interesting of the processions be- 
longing to this part of my subject have now been 
explained"; at another oportunity I shall discus« 
the sacerdotal. We have thus far become 
acquainted with the monuments of Nubia. 
There are others besides these to w^hich I 
shall now proceed, — those upon the island of 



» Gai?. f. c. 

• See above, p. 362. 

rAP. II. 



ut where is Meroe to be found ? This is 

the first and most important question that 

demands our attention. The whole oi the 

, following inquiry can only become creditable 

rind determinate by an accurate settlement of 
he locality. 
If we first question Herodotus, we shall find 
that he has given us some important hints in 
hat he has told us of the course of the Nile 
ibove Eg-ypt. He recommends us to leave the 
vessel near the island Tachompso, in order to 
Lvoid the cataracts, and to make a forty days' 
|ouruey by land near the banks of the river, 
fter which a new voyage of twelve days will 
»ring us to the city of Meroe. The fixing the 
lournev near the banks of the river is here of 
•eat consequence; as by this course the Nubian 
lesert is avoided, and by following the various 
mendings of the stream the way is much 
lensthened. There is still, however, much 
'agueness in these statements, as the windings 
){ the river are not accurately pointed out. Ac- 
cording to Waddington*s map, the distance from 
'the cataract of Wady Haifa to the iutiux of the 
Tacazze is six hundred geographical miles, to 
which must be added one hundred and twenty 
miles from Kalabshe, where we suppose the 
island Tachompso to be, to Wady Haifa, How- 
ever uncertain therefore the reckoning may re- 
main, the forty days' journey will nevertheless 
carry us into the territory of Atbara, between 
Nile and the Astaboras, to the northern 



part of the empire of Sennaar. It remains 
to be seen, whether what other writers hat« 
said will fix its situation more accurately. 

Herodotus only mentions the city of Mcroe. 
All other writers describe Meroe as an island, 
with a city of the same name». They therefore' 
do not contradict Herodotus ; the follo^viijg 
will tend to show that the situation of the ctty, 
as laid down by Herodotus, agrees with their 

** The Astaboras," says Agatharchides, 
** which flows through Ethiopia, unites its 
stream with the greater Nile, and thereby 
forms the island of Meroe, by flowing round 
it^" Strabo is still more precise*. *' The 
Nile/' says he, '* receives two great rivers 
which run from the east out of some lakes, and 
encompasses the great island of Meroe. One 
is called the Astaboras, which flows on the 
eastern side; the other the Astapus. Some 
mention instead the Astosabas, and distinguish 
therefrom the As tap us, which runs in a course 
very nearly parallel with the Nile. Seven 
hundred stadia above the junction of the Nile 
and the Astaboras is the city of Meroe, bearins^ 
the same name as the island,**— To these state- 
ments, which are quite sufficient to settle the 
situation of Meroe, I must add, even at the risk 
of being tedious, the testimony of Pliny. '* ^^ 

* DtooDiiLFs, i, p. 38. SrftABO, p, 1134. Plin. vI, 29. 
1 In Hud». Gtoj»t. Min, h p* 37. 

* St»*«,», p. 1154. 




the midst of Ethiopia/' he says, *' the Nile 
bears the name of Astapus*. It here forms 
great islands, which it scarcely flows round iu 
five days, especially the island of Meroe, where 
its left branch is called the Astaboras, and the 
right Astaspes* It first takes the name of the 
Nile where all these branches unite/' 

A glance at the map will immediately show 
where the ancient Meroe may be found. The 
Astaboras, which flows round it on the eastern 
side, is the present At bar, or Tacazzc ; the 
Astapus, which bounds it on tlie left, and 
runs parallel with the Nile, is the Bahar el 
Abiad, or white j^iver\ which, perhaps, should 
properly be called the Nile. I do not hold 
myself bound to determine other small streams, 
which have nothing to do with ray subject\ 

The accounts of the Arabian geographers 
throw a still clearer light upon this matte^^ 
The Nile they say divides itself into seven 
streams, three of which are large, and the 
others smaller. One of the former runs from 
the east, and, therefore, without doubt is the 
Astaboras, or Tacazze, called also the blue 
stream. The second of the larger streams is the 
white Nile, which runs from the west, therefore 
the Astapus, whose water is as white as milk. 
The tliird is the green Nile, running from the 
»outh-east, therefore the proper Nile of the 

• Pmnv, V, 9- He confoun^Js the Aslas;ies and Astapus. 

i» For tliat consult Bhuck, ii, p. 253. etc., and iii, 646. ivW* 1790. 

« See QuATniMEBF, 1. c. ii, p. 7 — 21. 

C C 



CBAP. If. 

moderns ; its water is so clear that the fish 
are visible at the bottom of it. The four smaller 
streams likewise come from the south-east, and 
run into the green Nile. They may be seen 
in Bruce's map. The country between these 
streams is the empire of Alua, which begios 
where the first of them, the Tacazze, joins the 
Nile, The capital of the empire, called Sujali, 
a handsome well-built town, is situated at the 
junction of the white and green Nile**. Be- 
tween these rivers is an island whose extent is 
unknown- It is therefore evident that this 
island, or the empire of Alua, is the ancient 
island of Meroe. 

Diodorus has accurately stated the size of 
the island Meroe. ** It is three thousand 
stadia, he tells us, that is, three hundred and 
forty English miles in length, and one thousand 
stadia, or one hundred and fifteen miles ia 
breadth \ 

And finally, Pliny determines its distance in 
miles from Syene in Egypt. Eratosthenes, be 
says, computed it at six hundred and twenty- 
five, and Artemidorus at six hundred Roman 
miles. Shortly before his time, how^ever, under 
Nero, the distance was measured, and found to 
be eight hundred and seventy- three Roman 
miles to the nearest part of the island ^ All 

** Bruce baa plmcedi here upon hit» mtip a town. IIa1fo»r whost n»t 

perhap:> i:onie$ from Alu». 
' DlUDOUt'J, I. c. 

' 1*1 1 Kv, vi, 29. 

:hap- it. 



these measures may have been right, according 
to the roads taken. The Roman ambassadors 
chose the longest way, as they followed in the 
whole course the direction of the Nile; the 
rreek geographers reckon according to the 
ihorter caravan ronte, which leaves the Nile, 
ind strikes across the desert of Bahiuda. The 
jelebrated British traveller went by a still 
ihorter way from Meroe to Syene, as he ven- 
tured to pass directly across the great Nubian 
lesert : the same route that Bnrkhardt took 
tpon his return. 

From the foregoing statements taken to- 
[ether, we may safely draw the following con- 
lusions : 
First : that the ancient island of Meroc is 
le present province of Atbar, between the 
(iver of the same name, or the Tacazze, on the 
ight, and the white stream and Nile on the 
feft. The point where tlie island begins is at the 
junction of the Tacazze and the Nile ; in the 
south it is enclosed by a branch of the above- 
mentioned river, the Waldubba, and a branch 
of the Nile, the Bahad, whose sources are 
nearly in the same district, although they flow 
in different directions ^ It lies between 13** and 
18* N. lat. In recent times it has formed a 
^reat part of the kingdom of Sennaar, and the 
southern part belongs to Abyssinia. 

V S«c ihe large map of Bruce : wUere will be found all ihe stmall »Ireim», 
^nd tbeir branches, whose n%mtt are not givtn in our map». 

€ c 2 




Secondly : Meroe was therefore ao extensive 
district, surrounded by rivers, whose superficial 
contents exceeded those of Sicily rather more 
than one half. It cannot be called an island 
in the strict sense of the word, because, al- 
though it is very nearly, it is not complete 
enclosed by rivers ; but it was took 
island of the Nile, because, as Pliny express! 
observes, the various rivers which flow 
were all considered as branches oftbat strean 
It becomes, moreover, as we are told by Bru«, 
a complete island in the rainy season, in con- 
quence of the overflowing of the rivers. 

Thirdly: upon this island stood the city of 
the same name. It is impossible from the! 
statements of Herodotus to determine precisely 
its site. Fortunately other writers give m 
more assistance. According to Eratostheoe* 
it lay seven hundred stadia (about eightj 
English miles) above the junction of the 
Tacazze or Astaboras, and the Nile. Plinyt 
following the statements of those whom Ner<i| 
had sent to explore it, reckons seventy millmm 
(sixty-three English miles); and adds the in»* 
portant fact, that near it, in the river on the] 
right side, going up stream, is the small is! 
Tadu, which serves the city as a port ^ From 
this it may be concluded with certainty, thi' 

>• Plinv» V, 9, HeriLHlohis is here again th« only Aocieiit wiiMr^ 
«peaks determinately. Jle mentions only the city of Meroe. wilKcul ciffi< 
tKe country in which it lay an island. 

• STftAtSt», p. 1134. 

^ pLiNv, vi, cap. 29. 


the city of Mcro« was not on the Tacazze, as 
might otherwise be conjectured from the names 
of those rivers being so unsettled, but on the 
proper Nile ; and its situation, notwithstanding 
the little difference between Pliny and Eratos- 
thenes, may be determined with the nicest 
accuracy, by the small island just mentioned, 
which Bruce has not omitted to note upon his 

The ancient city of Meroe stood a little 
below the present Shendy, under H'^N. lat. öj' 
E. long. Bruce saw its ruins at a distance, 
and only ventured to conjecture what I, from 
the testimony of the ancients, think I have 
completely proved. Every one of my readers 
will certainly read here with pleasure what that 
remarkable traveller says : I give it in his own 
words'. *' On the 20th of October, in the 
evening," says he, "we left Shendy, and rested 
two miles from the town, and about a mile 
from the river ; and next day, the 2 Ist, we con- 
tinued our journey ; at nine we alighted to feed 
our camels under some trees, having gone about 
ten miles. At this place begins a large island, 
in the Nile, several miles long, full of villages, 
trees, and corn ; it is called Kurgos. Opposite 
to this is the mountain Gibbainy, where is the 
first scene of ruins I have met with since that 
of Axum in Abyssinia. We saw here heaps of 
broken pedestals, like those of Axum, all 

' Dnicij, »V, p. 541, 




plainly designed for the statues of the dog; i 
some pieces of obelisk, likewise with hiero-f 
glyphics. almost totally obliterated. The Arab* 
told us these ruins were very extensive ; and 
that many pieces of statues, both of meo 
and animals, had been dug up there. The 
statues of the men were mostly of black stone. 
It is impossible to avoid risking a guess, he 
adds, that this is the ancient city Meroe/' 

What Bruce and Borkhardt"" only saw at a 
distance and hastily, has now been carefully 
examined by later travellers, and placed before 
our eyes by their drawings. These inquiries 
have however shown^ that the antiquities of 
Meroe are not confined to a single spot, but are 
found in many places. The whole strip of land 
Irom Shendy to Gherri teems with them, and 
must be considered as classic ground. On the 
north of the island we also find a group, 
those of mount Berkal, which we may securelt 
affirm to have belonged to Meroij. I will 
return to these by and by, and for the present 
direct my attention to those in the island 
Meroe itself. 

So far as our present information extends,] 
these may be included under three principe 
groups ; with the names of Assur, Naga, and] 

« Burkhardt 1liims«lf gtvei us a rcuon why he examined »o lewtii^J 
qaities, p. 275. As lie travelled under ihc character of a poor 
he <'ould not leave the caravan any distance without excidne ti 
'* Htid cvcii the stately Thebes lain close at hand, I could not hav« 
to examine it." lie did not go beyond Shendy; and iheierure covM b**] 
have seen ihe monuDicnls south of that plare. 


Messura. That of Assur** lies a little to the 
north of Shendy, about two miles from the Nile; 
the two others run southward, more towards the 
desert, and are at some leagues' distance from 
the Nile. The monuments still found consist 
of temples and pyramids ; all private dwell- 
ings have been long ago destroyed. According 
to Strabo^ they were only built of split palm* 
trees and tiles ; the earth however, is, in many 
parts, so covered with bricks, that a city must 
formerly have stood here. The site of the an- 
cient Meroe, after the above statements, can no 
longer be doubtful, even if there were no 
remains to confirm them. It stood near the 
present Assur, about twenty miles north of the 
present Shendy, exactly under 17" N. lat. 
The site of the ancient city, which lay on 
the Nile between the present villages of Assur 
and Tenctbey, is still discovered by the re- 
mains of a few temples, and of many other 
edifices of sandstone. The whole extent 
amounts according to Caillaud to nearly four 
thousand feet^ The plain allowed sufficient 
room for a much larger city. 

But if the habitations of the living are 
destroyed, those of the dead still remain. To 

■ The oain« of Aasitr is only round m Caillaud. In Bruce and Dark- 
hardl this disiricl is called Djebail, from the mounuioB. A«ur U the 
Dame of a village on the Nile ; in the neighbourhood of which are the 
villages of Danqueil and Tenetbey. 

• Stbado, p. 1177, 

P One ihou&and three hundred metres, that is the extent of the niixu stilt 
remaining. That the city must have been larger cannot be doubted. 



the eust of Assur h the great church-yardf 
or pyramids — I cannot more appropriately de- 
note them, — which likewise proves that a con- 
eiderable city was in its neighbourhood. It 1$. 
impossible to behold the number of thes^ 
monuments without astonishment, eighty are 
mentioned in the plan of Caillaud'*; but the 
number cannot be well ascertained, as the 
ruins of many are doubtful. They are divided 
into three groups, one due east from the city; 
the two others a league from the river, one 
north and tlie other south. The most norlhera 
one is the largest and best preserved. They 
certainly appear small in comparison with the | 
monuments of a similar kind in middle Egypt» j 
the height of the largest not being more than 
eighty feet'; but they are more wonderful 
from their number. They are built of granite 
like the Egyptian, but do not seem so massive 
in the interior. The highest of them was 
ascended, and, as its top was thrown off, the 
interior seemed nothing beyond a heap of 
shapeless masses. As no one, however, ei* 
amined the interior, it might be premature to 
decide anything respecting it. Most of the 
largest of them have a temple-like fore-buildinf 
in the Egyptian style ; a pylone and a door 
which leads into a portico, and this again 
through a sanctuary into the pyramid. It doe* 
not appear therefore that they desired here, 

•« CaiI'Lauii, plalc x%x\* 

' Ik>jd. pUu xlv. 




as was the case in Egypt, to conceal the en- 
trance, unless the real entrance was somewhere 
else. Until an interior has been examined, 
it will not be known whether sarcophagi and 
mummies are to be found within; I am not 
aware of any having been found beyond Egypt, 
south of Philae and the cataracts. According 
to Strabo the Ethiopians did not embalm their 
dead» but buried them in a ditferent manner; 
ia earthen vessels, near the sanctuary'. The 
corners of the pyramids are partly ornamented; 
and the walls of the pylones are decorated with 
sculpture. That on the largest pyramid, drawn 
by Caillaud, represents an offering for the dead*. 
In one conipartment a female warrior, with the 
royal ensigns on her head, and richly attired, 
drags forward a number of captives as offerings 
to the gods ; upon the other she is in a warlike 
habit, about to destroy the same group, whose 
heads are fastened together by the top hair, as 
we shall see again upon the ruins of Naga, 
On a third relief in the sanctuary she is making 
an ofifering of frankincense to the goddess. 
Upon a fourth field appears Anubis, accom- 
panied by the Schakal, the watchman of the 
lower world, with a burning light in the hand. 
This representation, together with the magni- 
tude of the pyramid, renders it probable that 
it is the sepulchre of a king. That all pyramids 

»Stjiabo, p. 1178. 

•'ji, plilu xJvi. 



cHAF* in 

here were not mouuments of kings is evinced by 
their great number» Other grandees of the em- 
pire, especially priests of high rank, or such as 
had obtained the sacerdotal dignity, might have 
found in them their final resting place. In 
Ethiopia, and consequently in Meroe, the 
pyramid-architecture was native from the 
earliest ages. But if we compare this pyramid- 
architecture with the Egyptian, we shall sec 
another proof of what has already been partly 
established ; namely, that what had its rise in 
Ethiopia was perfected in Egypt, of which we 
shall still see farther proofs. 

The statements of Caillaud have been con- 
firmed by the narrative of Klippel of Frankfort',' 
who likewise visited Meroe. His account ex- 
tends beyond that of the French traveller, asj 
he informs us of the existence of similar group« 
of pyramids in the land of Kurgos* *' After] 
having for some time been within sight of tte 
ruins of Kurgos, which are also mentioned by 
Bruce, 1 was at last able to go and examine 
them under a guard. On the other side of the 
Nile ray way lay for fifty-seven minutes acro*«| 
a plain of Nile slime or mud. Traces were 
visible of an ancient canal running paralW 
with the bed of the Nile, a proof that thiJ 
territory was once highly cultivated. Ten 
minutes after I came to a great heap of hewB 

" Writings by Edward Kuppel« from the cwnp near Kurgos, *' 
Feb. 1824, in Etinfi\€iseht BUitUr, Oct. 1824» p. 131—134, 

HAP. 11. 



Lod burnt stones. Time, however, had de- 
troyed every thing. With difficulty were some 
hafts of columns discovered, whose capitals 
vere ornamented with the heads of animals. 
Proofs of their once belonging to a temple." 

" Twelve minutes farther a group of pyra- 
nidic mausolea. There were thirteen, all of 
lewn stone, forty feet high, without an en- 
rance. Near them was a lion's head in black 
franite ; evidently a sitting sphinx. Thirty 
niitutes farther, eastward, a group, far more 
lonsiderable than the former, of twenty-one 
ombs. Some were of the pyramid form with 
ndented borders ; others had pointed angles, 
vith borders of plainer workmanship. One of 
hese monuments, the most southerly, differs 
rom all the others. A prismatic steeple stands 
ipon a socle twenty feet square. It has, like 
he rest, an eastern entrance, leading to the 
lall or gallery, as in the sepulchres of Meroe 
Assur). The walls are ornamented with 
leautiful sculpture ; the reliefs like those 
it Meroe, but iu greater perfection ; they in- 
variably represent the apotheosis of the dead. 
iniong these pyramids there is one, as among 
hose at Meroe, peculiar on account of its 
»ntrance. On both sides of this are two female 
igures, holding lances in their hands, and in 
»he act of piercing with them a band of prison- 
irs. The drapery, grouping, and keeping of 
;his surpasses every thing of the kind i have 
seen in Nubia and Egypt, not even excepting 

396 ETHIOPIANS, chap, n, 1 

the temple of Teutyris. They are free from i 
the stiffness which is found in the Briareus off 
that place. These monuments, from their 
preservation, seem of later date than those of 
Me roe.** 

•• A third group is met with five minutes 
south-east of the foretjroing. It consists of nine 
pyramids, each with its entrance towards the 
east, the inner walls of which are covered 
with sculpture. The reliefs represent apotheosis 
of female figures only ; while in all others 
they represent heroes, to whom offerings are 
brought. These southern sepulchres are also 
less than the others, the highest not being 
above forty feet. In the group of tw^enty-one 
pyramids there are some which measure ninety 
feet. All these monuments are huilt of hewn 
stone without mortar." Thus much before- 
hand of the German traveller's information, 
whose more extensive and accurate narrative 
may be expected at his return. 

The antiquities of Naga and Messura, to the 
south of Shendy, are of another kind ; they are 
temples. The city of Meroi?, however, w^as not 
without temples ; two, a larger and smaller, 
are laid down in the plan of Caillaud; though 
neither of them seem to have been of any im- 
portance. The most recent traveller has ascer- 
tained, that the larger temples were not in the 
city, but at a few miles' distance. 

The monuments of Naga, or Naka, lie about 
six leagues south-cast of Shendy, and abo«* 



the same distance east of the Nile*. They 
consist of numerous temples, of which a larger 
one lies in the centre, and v^arious smaller ones 
are scattered around in every direction. The 
ruins show that a considerable city at one time 
stood here.^The remains of the principal temple 
clearly prove to what god it was dedicated. 
An avenue of statues, rams couchant, on pede- 
stals, leads into an open portico of ten cohimns, 
out of which, after passing through a second si- 
milar gallery, we arrive at the pylone. Adjoining 
this is a colonnade consisting of eight columns ; 
then a hall, and through a third door is the 
sanctuary. The door, the pillars, and the 
walls of the sanctuary are of hewn stone; the 
rest of bricks, with a coating, upon which 
traces of painting are visible. The pylones 
and pillars are ornamented with sculpture, very 
highly finished. Those on the first pylone. on 
ef^ch side of the entrance, are particularly re- 
markable'. A king and queen (bearing the 
emblems of dominion), are kindly welcomed by 
the deities. The latter by Ammon with the ram's 
head, and the former by the same in human 
shape, but without any farther mark of distinc- 
tion. Above, in the frieze, oblations are offered 
by both to the same deities; below, at the 
bottom, are handmaids with vessels» out of which 
they are pouring water. The building is in 
the Egyptian style; and of avast size. The 

* Caillai'h, Votfat^e ii M^tw, plate xi—xxi. 
y Ibid, plate xix, itx. 




whole, from the first pylone to the end, is about 
eighty feet long. There is also something 
peculiar in the entrance« The duplicate gal- A 
lery of rams before and after the portico, is 
not common elsewhere ; and the plan of the 
whole seems to show that architecture had not 
yet attained to that perfection which it after- 
wards exhibits in the great temples of Egypt. 
—The western temple is less, but more richly 
embellished with sculpture. On the pylones 
the same scenes are again represented as we 
have already seen in the pyramids of Assur. 
A male warrior on one side, and a female 
warrior on the other, destroy a number of cap- 
tives whom they have bound together by the 
hair'. They are king and queen, as they both 
have the emblem of dominion, the nratji, on the 
headdress; over each is a spread eagle, with 
a globe; both are magnificently dressed. The 
sculpture below contains a string of single 
captives with their hands tied behind them. 
The reliefs on the interior represent the sacri- 
fice of prisoners to the gods. The upper row 
contains the five male deities, Ammon, with 
his followers ; first, the god with the lion« 
head, and the ornament with the ram's horns; 
behind him Ammon himself; Re, the god of 
the sun ; his son Phthae ; and then again Am- 
nion with the rams head. The under row 
contains the females in an equal number: first 

' Caim.avo, plikte \w. kvi« 



Isis, who has already seized and holds fast the 
group of captives offered to her. The offer- 
ings are over the king followed by men, and 
under the queen by women*. The following 
subject is still more remarkable. It represents 
the same god, with the lion's head and the 
ram's horns on the headdress ; but with a 
double head and four arms*. It is the only 
subject of this sort I am acquainted with among 
all the known sculptures from the sources of 
the Nile to its mouth. It is likewise the only 
one which can be considered as borrowed 
from the Indian theology. The king comes 
from one side, and the queen from the other, 
both with tablets in their hands, probably con- 
taining lists of their gifts and offerings. 

It is evident, then, that these representations 
possess many peculiarities, and that they are 
not pure Egyptian. Certainly not, however, 
in respect to religious rites. There appears 
nothing here in the worship of Ammon, with 
his kindred and associate gods, essentially 
differing from that of Upper Egypt, The re- 
lief already mentioned, with the male and fe- 
male deities, contains this family of gods almost 
complete. But the most remarkable difference 
appears in the persons offering. The queens 
appear with the kings ; and not merely as pre- 
senting offerings, but as heroines and con- 
querors. Nothing of this kind has been yet 

• Caiij *rtf, plate ivii. 

* lljiil. plate xy'iii. 



discovered in the Egyptian reliefs, either in 
Egypt or Nubia. It may, therefore, with cer* 
tainty be concluded, that they are subjects pe- 
culiar to Ethiopia; i. e. such as relate to tbe 
ancient rulers, male and female, of Meroif, and 
are devoted to the preservation of their deeds. 
If we look into history, we shall there find 
some little help towards a general explanation. 
** Amonp^ the Ethiopians/' says Strabo, speak- 
ing of Meroe, *' the women are also armed*/ 
We also know that they sometimes mounted 
the throne. Herodotus mentions a Nitocri« 
amon«( the ancient queens of Ethiopia, who 
ruled over Egypt ^ Upon the relief already 
described, representing the conquest of Ethi- 
opia by Sesostris, there is a queeu with her 
sons, who appears before him as a captive ^ 
A long succession of queens under the title of 
Cfxndace must have reigned here*; and when 
at last the seat of empire was removed from 
Meroe to Napata, near mount Berkal, there 
was also there a queen who ruled under the 
title of Candace^ It is not therefore strange, 
but quite agreeable to Ethiopian usages, to sec 
a queen in a warlike habit near her consort; 
although history has preserved nothing par- 
ticular on the subject. 

The perfection to which sculpture had been 
brought here is very striking. There is nothing 


* Strabo, p, 1177. «^ Herod, it, 100. 

•^ Se* above, p. 356. « Plin. vi, 35. 

' Strabo, p. ß20. Aelk. vlii, 28, 




superior to it on the Egyptian monuments ; and 
in boldness of outline it seems almost to surpass 
them* "These colossal figures" (they are ten 
feet high), says Caillaud, ** are remarkable for 
the richness of their drapery, and the character 
of tlie drawing; their feet and arms are stouter 
than the Egyptian : yet are they altogether 
in the Egyptian style '.^ Kuppel notices a 
similar perfection on the pyramids of Kurgos. 
Are we to suppose that Ethiopian artists became 
thus accomplished ? Or do not these monuments 
rather belong to that brilliant period of the em- 
pire of Mcroc (the eighth century before our era) 
when the dynasty of Tarhako and Sabako ruled 
over Upper Egypt, and to whom it would have 
been easy to send Egyptian artists to Meroe, 
to perpetuate their fame by their workmanship? 
Futurity may perhaps solve these problems''. 

The second station, now called Ei Messiira, 
for a description and drawing of which we are 
indebted to Caillauds is equally interesting. 
** In an extensive valley in the desert/' says 
he, ** eight hours' journey from Shendy to the 
south-east, and six leagues from the Nile, are 
very considerable ruins. They consist of eight 
small temples, all connected by galleries upon 
terraces. It is an immense building, formed by 

f CArLLAfD, plate xvii. ExplicftUoa, 

^ It iü very remarkable, that here, m the üeighbouHiooJ of the mott 
mncieot woDumeutB, b found a portico in the G reel stjlc. Caillavd, 
plale xiii. Certainly a decided proof of the high antifjuily nf the oilier». 

• In his letters ia Nout^tlle» Amml& des Vty^age$, lom, xvi, p. 128. For 
llic engraviogs »ee plale xaü— ««, 



cfiAP. n. 

the joining together of a number of chambers, 
courts, temples and galleries ; surrounded by a 
double enclosure. From the temple in the 
midst, the way to the others is through gal- 
leries, or terraces, one hundred and eighty-five 
feet in length. Each temple has its particular 
chambers. These buildings are placed in an 
exact order ; and consist of eight temples^ thirty- 
nine chambers, twenty-six courts, twelve flights 
of steps, etc. The ruins cover a plot of land two 
thousand five hundred feet in circumference." 

** But in this immensity of ruins every thing 
is upon a smaller scale, the monuments as well 
as the materials employed. The largest temple 
is only thirty-four feet long ; upon the pillars 
are figures in the Egyptian style ; others in the 
same portico are fluted, like the Grecian ; upon 
the basis of one I thought I discovered the 
remains of a zodiac. Time and the elements, 
which have destroyed the ancient Saba, seem 
to have been willing to spare us the observatory 
of Meroe; but until the rubbish be cleared 
away, a complete plan of it cannot be ex- 
pected. It excites our wonder to find so few 
hieroglyphics in all these ruins ; the six pillars 
which form the portico of the middle temple 
are the only ones containing any, all the other 
walls are without sculpture." 

" Some hundred paces from the ruins are 
the remains of two other small temples; and 
the traces of a orreat reservoir of water, sur- 
rounded by little hills, which protect it from 



CHAP. fr. 



the sand. There is here, however, no trace of 
a city ; no heap of rubbish ; no sepulchre. If 
the city of Meroe had stood here, the pyramids 
would not have been built two days' journey 
off, I believe that the public offices of Meroe 
were situated here ; the form and the archi- 
tecture prove it. The city was in the neigh- 
bourhood of the sepulchres, where the pyramids 

So far M. Caillaud. I wish circumstances 
would permit me to lay the ground-plan of it 
in full before the reader''; yet I hope the ac- 
companying small plan will give an idea of the 
whole'. It forms an outline of the whole en- 
closure. In the centre is the principal temple; 
on the different sides are the inferior temples; 
if they are not rather other buildings. The 
many corridors, chambers, and courts, cannot 
now be altogether completely restored. The 
#,wo inferior temples, with the reservoir, lie at 
£onie distance from the enclosure. 

May I be allowed to express my opinion 
freely and openly? It is the ancient 
ORACLE OF Jupiter Ammon. A mere glance 
at the ground-plan leads to this idea. It is 
only thus that the singularity of the foundation 
can be accounted for ; of that labyrinth of pas- 
sages and courts which must be wandered 

* Caillaud, table xxii. 

* See the gtoutid plan. The labyrinth of Egypt comes, almoiit involun- 
tarily, into the mind upon viewing it. Who can at present iletenninef 
wlwtlter there are not aUo here äuhtoiraaeou» apartimcnts. 

D d 2 




through, before arriving at the entirely secret 
temple in the midst. Scarcely could there 
be a better introduction contrived for reach- 
ing the sanctuary. 

But we need not rest upon mere conjecture. 
A passage of Diodorus settles more accurately 
the site of the ancient temple, and strikingly 
confirms the above notion. It informs us that 
this temple did not stand in the city of Meroe, 
but at some distance from it in the desert, as it 
is here situated. When, in the period of the 
Ptolemeys (as will be shown hereafter), the 
then ruler of Merol* overthrew the dominion of 
the priests, he went with an armed company 
to the retired spot, where the sanctuary with 
the golden temple stood, surprised the priests, 
and killed them". Can clearer proofs be 
required, — situation, building, and locality all 
agree ? 

The smallness of the principal temple is not 
surprising, the same thing has been observed ai 
Ammonium in the Libyan desert«. It was pro- 

■» See Diooouua, i.p. 178. O' ßnaiXii^ va^fi^&t furä rwvoTpow 
Tutv lU: rb äßarov, o^ <rvi4ßatvaf clvai r6v }^pt«rovi/ ya^t» rür AlMt*^ 
And ia Strabo, p. 1 178, lirultv ^tff »irX«*v Ivl rb l^»r T,wov A xP^ 
vtwc tan. — But what h said here : In the sanctuary where the ^^•'''^^ 
temple is found! If the reading be correct, a small portable lempk r - 
be meant, which belonged to the sacred vessels. I scarcely, bonn>' 
have a doubt but that we should read vavi tQüeiid of yaoCf lu Mb^i^ 
Diodorus ; and the same in Strabo ; and then trauBlate »i ttts f«W#m*f- 
It will be mliown hereafter that this could not Tail to be in sJl the «tttk 
lemplcs of Ammon. As this corrupt reading might very easily ha^e ci?pi^' 
it very probably existed in the common source into which both «l»«* 
writers dipped, 

- Sec above, p. 213. 




bably a place merely for the preservation of 
the sacred ship, which stood between the pil- 
lars of the sanctuary. 

Its situation in the desert also follows the 
example already adduced, and will appear still 
less extraordinary when it is shown, that one 
of the great trading routes runs just by it. 

As the principal temple was so smalt, the 
others, which are called temples, may merely 
be considered as chapels : it remains very un- 
certain for what use they were destined. 
Hence. Caillaud very properly designates 
them» in the explanations to his plates, " eon- 
struciions.'' The separate members were small, 
but the whole was great. 

The rarity of sculpture and hieroglyphics is 
very remarkable ; no trace of that Egyptian art 
has been discovered here. The few figures on 
the pillars, now scarcely legible, have nothing 
in common with it. One of them has evidently 
the hair done up in the broad Nubian fashion ^ 

In what relation the foundations of Messura 
stood to those of Naga we can only conjecture. 
If Messura was the oracle-temple, then that 
body of the priesthood who had the care of the 
oracle would naturally reside here. The num- 
ber of these in proportion to the whole order 
could be but small, perhaps only the highest 
class of ministers. On the other hand, 1 feel 
inclined to consider Naga as the proper rae- 

* Caillaud, plate xxi. 



tropolis of the caste. Here stood a number of 
temples, not only dedicated to Amnion, but to 
the kindred gods''; Iiere are found the remains 
of a city that would afford convenient dwellings 
to the priesthood, no traces of which are found 
in Messura. g 

Thus we stand on that remarkable spot ^ 
which antiquity frequently regarded as ihc 
cradle of the arts and sciences; where hiero- 
glyphic writing was discovered ; where temples 
and pyramids had already sprung up, while 
Egypt still remained ignorant of their existence. 
Who then can avoid asking: what was here 
formerly? what took place here? 

Although it is impossible to answer these 
questions so completely as the reader might 
wish, yet there are many circumstances which 
supply materials towards it. Let us select 
from them such as may be regarded as certain 
facts ; and then add those that are more or less 

It stands as an incontrovertible fact, that 
besides the pastoral and hunting tribes, which 
led a nomad life to the west of the Nile, and 
still more to the east, as far as the Arabian 
gulf, there existed a cultivated people near this 
stream, in the valley through which it flows, 
who had fixed abodes, built cities, temples, and 
sepulchres, and whose remains, even now, after 

^ Uvfodutua mcnlions ilial lo Dionysos, or Osins i Sm^toJ.e. Her» 
cuLs, ur Tau, 



the lapse of so many centuries, still excite our 

^ It may farther be stated, as a certainty, 
that the civilization of this people was, in an 
especial manner, connected with their religion : 
that is with the worship of certain deities. The 
remains of their foundation prove this too clearly 
for any doubt to be entertained on the subject. 
This religion, upon the whole, is not un- 
certain. Ft was the worship of Ammon, and 
his kindred gods. The circle of these deities 
was very nearly of the same extent as that of 
Olympus among the Greeks ; it might, pos- 
sibly, be somewhat larger. It became enlarged 
by the appearance of the same deity, in dif- 
ferent relations, and consequently with changed 
attributes, especially with ditferent head-orna- 
ments, and also under various forms. But the 
I rites of Ammon so much prevail, that his em- 
blem, the ram's horns, are seen every where ; 
and it seldom happens but that the kindred 
deities exhibit, in some part or other, some- 
thing which refers to him. 
Without digressing into a detailed descrip- 
tion of particular deities, which I leave to ray- 
thologists, I think I may yet venture a step 
farther without fear of contradiction, and assert 
that this worship had its origin in natural re- 
ligion connected with agriculture. The great 
works of nature were revered, accordingly 
as they promoted, or retarded and hindered 
this» It seems natural that {he sun and 



moon» so far as they determined the seasons and 
the year, the Nile and the eartli as sources of 
fruitfulness, the sandy deserts as the opposers 
of it, should be personified; one thing is re- 
inarkable, namely, that of all the representations 
of Nubia yet known» tliere is not one, wliicli 
according to our notions» is oifensive to 

But this worship had besides, as we know 
with certainty, a second element : oracles. 
Ammon was the original oracle god of Africa; 
if ai'terwards» as was the case in Egypt, other 
deities delivered oracles, yet they were of his 
race, of his kindred. Even beyond Egypt we 
hear of the oracles of Animon, " The only 
gods worshipped in Meroe," says Herodotus\ 
** are Zeus and Dionysos (which he himself 
explains to be Ammon and Osiris). Theyal^ 
have an oracle of Ammon. and undertake their 
expeditions when and how the god commands. ' 
How these oracles were delivered we lean» 
partly from history, partly from representatioes 
on the munuments. In the sanctuary stände 
a ship. Upon it many holy vessels ; but, abovf^ 
all, in the midst a portable tabernacle» süf' 
rounded with curtains, which may be drav^'i^ 
back. In this is an image of the god, set, ac- 
cording to Diodorus, in precious stones* ; nevef- 
theless, according to one account, it could have 
no human shape*. The ship in the great 

1 Hbrou. Ü, 29, ' DioDoni;», ii, 199. 

• CvRTius. iv, 7, HmintHo timUh. J doubt tills statemeu», Dot unlv "' 


emples seems to have been very magnificent; 
iesostris presented one to the temple of Am- 
llon at Thebes, made of cedar, the inside of 
liver, and the outside of gold *. The same was 
^ung about with silver goblets". When the 
racle was to be consulted, it was carried 
^ound by a body of priests in procession, and 
fom certain movements, either of the god or of 
he ship, both of which the priests had well 
ipder their command, the omens were gather- 
id, according to which the high-priest then 
ielivered the oracle \ This ship is often re- 
iresented, both upon the Nubian and Egyp- 
Ian monuments, sometimes standing still, and 
lometimes carried in procession ; but never any- 
irhere except in the innermost sanctuary, which 
pw its resting-place. Upon the Nubian monu- 
iients hitherto made known, we discover this 
ki two places ; at Asseboa and Derar, and on 
tech twice. Those of Asseboa are both stand- 

tg. In one the tabernacle is veiled, but upon 
e other it is without a curtain J ; Ammon ap- 
pears in the same, sitting on a couch ; before 
l^ni an altar with gifts ^ Upon one the king is 
Reeling before the ship at his devotions, in 

of the passage just quoted from Diodurus, but because we see oq 
<i of the comtnoa manuments a comjiliite portrait of Aiumon. 

* Dioüoiius. i, 67. 

■ So in AmmoDtum; CimiruTs, I, c. 

' Compare especialty the account of Alexander's rtait to Annnomutn, la 

toouMr«, ii, 199, and Cuiitil'j*^ 1. c, 

' GjkUj plate xlv, 13, 111 ibis tbe rcbtTts rcpresenktl as rolourcd. 

• ÜAI', pUte xlv» A, Ammon apitcars bca« Avilli Üio tajn'« head. 



CBAP. 11. 

the other he is coming towards it with an offer- 
ing of fn»nkincense (is it in order to cousult 
the oracle?). In the sanctuary of the rock- 
monument at Derar we also discover it twice. 
Once in procession, borne by a number of 
priests'; the tabernacle is veiled, the king 
meets it, bringing frankincense ; the other time 
at rest''. These processions are not only seen 
upon the great Egyptian temples at Phil®, 
Elephantis, and Thebes, but also upon the 
great Oasis'. The sacred ship was therefore 
orack skip; and wherever we discover it 
may conclude that an oracle of Ammon wa^^ 
or should be there.— But it is naturally ask 
how came this idea of ships? The aosw 
seems almost as naturally to present itsel 
For as we have already seen, and shall stU 
farther see, how the worship of Ammon sp^'^^rfl^'" 
along the Nile by the foundation of terop'e* lif^j^ 
and colonies, can we in these ships and i' 
processions see any thing plainer than the 
gorkai propagation of thh worship in this ffl 
ner ? Does not this explain the rcpres^otatiolJj^^ 
both as a whole and in detail ? Does not 
explain also the frequent repetition, as 
propagation happened according to the p 
scriptton of the oracle, and was regarded as ^ 
sacred duty? I ''this 

Tliese oracles were certainly the main s'jf Ijhioqc 
port of this religion ; and, if we connect wi'« 




• Gai-, plale li. C. t» i^d. jibtc lii. 

* Btfcviffiim d'Egitpte, (ilata xiii, xxxvi 




them the local features of the country, it will 

Iat once throw a strong light upon its origin. 
Fertility is here, as well as in Egypt, confined 
to the borders of the Nile, At a very short 
'distance from it the desert begins. How could 
it then be otherwise than that crowds of men 
should congregate on the borders of the stream 
where the dhourra, almost the only corn here 
cultivated, would grow. And if they could 
satisfy their first cravings with the produce of 
this scanty space, was not the rise of a natural 
''eligion, referring to it, just what might be ex- 
pected ? Add to all this, however, another 
circumstance highly important. Meroe was 
te55ides, as will be proved in the following 
chapter, the chief mart for the trade of these 
""^gions. It was the grand emporium of the 
<^^ravan trade between Ethiopia, the north of 
Africa, and Egypt, as well as of Arabia Felix, 
^*^d even India. But before proceeding to 
^'^ese circumstances, let us take an accurate 
^Urvey of the express and authentic information 
?*Ven us by the ancients respecting the history 
^*^d condition of Meroc. 

IVIeroe, according to their account, was a 
^^^Jr which had its settled constitution and 
^"^s, its ruler and government. But the form 
* this state was one which we too often find 
^*^ong the kingdoms of these southern regions; 
^ ^as a hierarchy ; the government was in the 


^tids of a race or caste of priests, who chose 

^m among themselves a king. I shall trans- 



late here Diodorus's account of them, which 
the most extensive and accurate that we have, 
"The laws of the Ethiopians'*,*' he says» 
differ in many respects from those of other 
nations, hot in none so much as in the electioil 
of their kings ; which is thus managed. Tbfl 
priests select the most distinguished of their 
own order, and upon whichever of these the god 
(Jupiter Ammon) fixes, as he is carried in pro- 
cession, he is acknowledged king by the people; 
who then fall down and adore him as a god, be- 
cause he is placed over the government by tlie 
choice of the gods* The person thus selected 
immediately enjoys all the prerogatives, whick 
are conceded to him by the laws, in respect 
his mode of life ; but he can neither reward 
punish any one, beyond what the usages 
their forefathers and the laws allow. It is t 
custom among them to inflict upon no subject 
the sentence of death, even though he should 
be legally condemned to that punishment; bfll 
they send to the malefactor one of the sena'^- 
of justice, who bears the symbol of deatli- 
When the criminal sees this he goes irnoifr 
diately to his own house and deprives himsrf 
of life. The Greek custom of escaping punisb 
ment by flight into a neighbouring country»* 
not there permitted. It is said that the roothtf 
of one who would have attempted this, strangle 
him with her own girdle, in order to save ^ 

^ Di.iDom f , 1, p, 177, oic, He i» «|ieiikui){ ol Meiot. 




family from that greater ijs^nominy. But the 
most remarkable of all their institutions is that 
which relates to the death of the king. The 
priests at Meroe, for example, who attend to 
the service of the gods, and hold the highest 
inks, send a messenger to the king, with an 
ler to die. They make known to him that 
ie gods command this, and that mortals 
Lould not withdraw from their decrees; and 
jrhaps added such reasons as could not be 
controverted by weak understandings, preju- 
led by custom, and unable to oppose uny 
ling thereto." 

The government continued in this original 

ite till the period of the second Ptolemey, 

id its catastrophe is not less remarkable than 

formation. By its increased intercourse 

ith Egypt, the light of Grecian philosophy 

snetrated into Ethiopia. Ergaraenes, at that 

le king, tired of being priest-ridden, fell 

>on the priests in their sanctuary, put them 

death, and became eflectually a sovereign'. 

consequence of Greek illumination— or rather 

the lust of power in kings— ^which could 

Ltdly be expected in this distant region. 

Of the history of this state previous to the 

evolution just mentioned, but very scanty in- 

krmation has been preserved ; but yet enough 

show its high antiquity and its early aggran- 

izement. Pliny "^ tells us, **that Ethiopia was 

* ninmiRve» i, p. 178. 

f PjiNiV8, v;, 36. 




ruined by its wars with Egypt, which it same- 
times subdued and sometimes served ; it was 
powerful and illustrious even as far back as the 
Trojan war, when Memnon reigned. At the 
time of his sovereignty»'' he continues, '* Merot* 
is said to have contained two hundred and fifty 
thousand soldiers, and four hundred thousaodj 
artificers (artifices). They still reckon there 
forty-five kings/' Though these accounts )< 
themselves in the darkness of tradition, yet we 
may, by tracing history upwards, discover somej 
certain chronological data. In the Persia 
period Meroii was certainly free and iudepen 
dent, and an important state ; otherw^ise Cam 
byses would hardly have made such p&it 
preparations for his unfortunate expedition' 
During the last dynasty of the Pharaohs at 
Sais, under Psammetichus and his successors* 
the kingdom of Meroe not only resisted l'* 
yoke» although his son Psammis undertook ai 
expedition against Ethiopia, but we have as 
important fact, which gives us a clew totte 
extent of the empire at that time towards tk 
south ; the emigration of the Egyptian warrJo' 
caste. These migrated towards Meroe, whos* 
ruler assigned them dwellings about the soured 
of the Nile, in the province of Gojam (^s » 
shall hereafter show), whose restless i 

» Heuod, ii, 26, The stateinenis of Stbaivd, 1139. etc. *ccori«<' 
wliicli Cainbyses readied ftlemc, may ftethnps l>e brought to aecorf** 
those of Herotlotus, if wc un JersUnd him to mean norlherQ Men», ^ 
mount Derkat. 







Ms were expelled their country'. The domi- 
ns of tlie ruler of Meroe therefore certainly 
ched so far at that time, though his autho- 
on the borders fluctuated, in consequence 
' the pastoral hordes roving thereabout, and 
^uld only be fixed by colonies. Let us go a 
entury farther back, between 800 and 700 
L C, and we shall mount to the flourishing 
eriod of this empire, contemporary witli the 
ivided kingdoms of Israel and Judah ; espe- 
ally with the reign of Hezekiah, and the time 
Isaiah, 750, 700, where we shall conse- 
ently have a light from the Jewish annals 
d the oracles of the prophets, in connection 

iith Herodotus'. This is the period in whicli 
€ three mighty rulers, Sabaco, Seuechus, 
id Tarhaco, started up as conquerors, and 
Irected their weapons against Egypt, which, 
^ least Upper Egypt, became an easy prey, 
torn the unfortunate troubles preceding the 
pdecarchy having just taken place. According 
» Eusebius^ Sabaco reigned twelve, Seuechus 

fso twelve, and Tarhaco twenty years: but by 
erodotus, who only mentions Sabaco, to whom 

[•* Iknoi., ii, 30. 

t* GrsENiua, on Isaiah, six, 1, propoies to reraove the difficullies wliich 
!«*e bctwcea the Egyptian and Jewitli chronology, by making the reign 
I'^liaraoli Necho forty-six years instead of siKteen, by wbinh Ihe period of 
imelichus and the dodecarcliy would l*e eatried so niucU farlhtr back. 
^« may hope that the new deciphering of the Mgyptian unonuments »ill 
row some ligitt bipon this subject; hut. at all events, the fluurishmg 
lod of Mcro<? mmst l>e placed bclwreen ÜOO and 700, 
^ €hr(fnic. lorn, ii, lÖl ; cf- MAitsiiAM's (.'hnmicon, p. 43Ö. 




he gives a reign of fifty years, this name seems 
to designate the whole dynasty, which not imfre- 
quently follows that of its founder. Herodotus 
expressly says that he had quitted Egypt at the 
command of his oracle in Ethiopia \ It may 
therefore be seen by the example of this con- 
queror, how great their dependence must have 
been in their native country upon the oracle of 
Ammon ; when even the absent, as ruler of 
a conquered state, yielded obedience to it. 
Sabaco, however, is not represented by him as 
a barbarian or tyrant, but as a benefactor tu 
the community by the construction of dams. 
The chronology of Seuechus and Tarhaco is 
determined by the Jewish history. Seuechus 
was the contemporary of Hoshea king of 
Israel, whose reign ended in 722, and of Sal- 
manassar*". Tarhaco was the contemporary 
of his successor Sennacherib, and deterred him 
in the year 714 B. C, from the invasion of 
Egypt, merely by the rumour of his advance 
against him". His name, however, does not 
seem to have been unknown to the Greeb. 
Eratosthenes, in Strabo ", mentions him as a 

> IlERno. ii, 137—139. 

» 2 KiKu$,xv)i. 4, He is called 5« ia our tnuisliatioo. but iJie (tfff* 
may also be read Sevtn. Soe MicbacltK. He u also mentiorusd here i* 
king of Kgypt* [See Dr. Gill's Cvmmfut. on the veree referred lo. Then 
can ba litllo doubt tbat Scuecbus is the So (the Sua), lo whom Hmbe» 
aent aa embassy, 2 Ki?ios» x\x, 9. Tarhaco is without doubt th« Tirhai»l>. 
ihe Ktbiopiari, who came out lo fight against Seimaclieriibb Qu»rttrij 
Review, vol. jcliii, p, 154. Tramlaivr.} 

n 2 KiNos, xi*, 9. (See the aoie oa the scvonth vefse of tht wM 
cliapler in Manx's Bible. TrnmlatPt,] « Stbabo, p, 1007. 




nqueror who had penetrated into Europe, and 
far as the Pillars of Hercules — ^that is as a 
eat conqueror. Certainly, therefore, the king- 
►m of Meroe must have ranked about this time 
an important state. And we shall find this to 
I the case if we go about two hundred years 
rther back, to the time of Asa^ the great-grand- 
n of Solomon, but who, nevertheless, mounted 
e throne of Jadah within twenty years after 
s grandsire's death, 955, Against him, it is 
id in the Jewish annals, went out Zerah the 
:hiopian, with an host of a thousand thousand 
en and three hundred chariots p. Although 
is number signifies nothing more than a 
ighty army, it yet affords a proof of the mighti- 
ss of the empire, which at that time probably 
mprised Arabia Felix ; but the chariots of 
ir, which never were in use in Arabia, prove 
at the passage refers to Ethiopia. Zerah's 
pedition took place in the early part of Asa's 
ign, consequently about nine hundred and 
fcy years before Christ ; and as such an era- 
re could not be quite a new one, w^e are 
I by undoubted historical statements up to 
3 period of Solomon, about 1000, B, C. ; 
d as this comes near to the Trojan period, 
iny's statements, though only resting on 

2 Cimow. liv»9. See the remarki of Michaelis. He transUtoä iL 
kite, which appellation compriaet both the inhabiianU of Arabia Fcljz 

Ethiopia, remnrking cxproäsljr^ however, by comparing 2 Cukon, xvi, 
lt3t he must have been king of Ethiopi» ; and! probably of Arabia Felix 
[See also Gill'r Commentaiy on theAame paasage.] 

i: e 




mylhi, obtain historical weight. Farther back 
than this the annals of history are silent ; but 
the monuments now begin to speak, and con- 
firm that high antiquity, which general opinioai 
and the traditions of Meroe attribute to this 
state. The name of Ramasses, or Sesostris, has 
already been found upon many of the Nubian 
monuments ; and that he was the conqueror of 
Ethiopia is known from history*". The period 
in which he Hourished, cannot be placed later 
than fifteen hundred years before the Christian 
era. But the name of Thutmosis, belonging to 
the preceding dynasty, has also been found in 
Nubia , and that assuredly upon one of the roost 
ancient monuments of Armada. But io i\ii^ 
sculpture, as well as in the procession, repre- 
senting the victory over Ethiopia in the offering 
of the booty, there appears a degree of civiliza- 
tion, which shows an acquaintance with the , 
peaceful arts; they must consequently be attri*J 
buted to a nation that had long been formed ' 
We thus approach the Mosaic period, in which 
the Jewish traditions ascribe the conquest of 
Meroe to no less a person than Moses himself*- 
The traditions of the Egyptian priesthood also 

1 Herod, ti, 110; STR*i»r>. 1140. That the Phai^obs shoyld h»n 
carried their conqucfita into Ethiopia, could in uo period seecn lot straii|t 
than in ours» in wliich thp same scene baa been acted. Scvcely wu tbcftt- 
seut ruler of Kgypt firmly posses&cd of that kingdom, than his sou Isow*l 
Pasha undertook ihc &ame conquest, and uoi only peaetraied to Meioe. b«t 
even at one time a« for as SingHe, 10" N. I at, 

' SeealHive, p. 363. 

• See the half Roman account uf liis expedition »gnioft Meroe, i" 
JofliriivB» Am, Juä, ii, 10. 


CHAP. ir. 



agree in this, that Meruc in Ethiopia laid the 

foundation of the most ancient states of Egypt. 

Who can expect here more critical certainty 

I than this ? History itself, however, has carried 

I us back to those ages in wliich the formation of 

; the most ancient states took place, and has thus 

far shown that Meroe was one of them* 

In a state whose government differed so 
widely from any thing that we have been ac- 
' customed to, it is reasonable to suppose that 
[the same would ha))pen with regard to the 
I people or subjects. We cannot expect a picture 
here that will bear any similitude to the civi- 
lized nations of Europe. Meroe rather resem- 
bled in appearance the larger states of interior 
Africa at the present day; a number of small 
nations, of the most opposite habits and man- 
ners, some with, and some without, settled 
abodes, form there what is called an empire; 
although the general political band which holds 
them together appears loose, and is often 
scarcely perceptible'. In Meroi^ this band was 
of a twofold nature ; religion, that is a certain 
worship, principally resting upon oracles and 
I commerce : unquestionably the strongest chains 
by which barbarians could be fettered, except 
forcible subjugation. The rites of that religion, 
connected with oracles, satisfied the curious 
^ and superstitious, as did trade the cravings of 
their sensual appetites. Eratosthenes has 

■ Sua the de^criptioii of ihe empir« of Daroou, id ihc Proc*edmg* i\f the 
. African Auce'ialic», p. 189» «tc. 

£ e 2 



csAP. n. 

handed as down aii accurate picture of the 
inhabitants of Meroe in bis time". According 
to his account the island comprised a variet)' 
of people, of whom some followed agriculture, 
some a nomad, pastoral life, and others hunting: 
all of them choosing that which was best adapted 
to the district in which they lived. 

The nomad tribes dwelling to the north of 
Meroe in Nubia, were no longer subject to that 
state*. The dominion over roving hordes, 
however, can seldom have fixed boundaries, 
and it would be rash to apply what Eratos- 
thenes says of his times to all the preceding 
centuries, while, on the other hand, we leani 
from the monuments, that the rulers of Meroe, 
lived in almost continual warfare with tht>e 
nomad tribes. To the west, Meroe was boundetl 
by sandy deserts which separated it from Dar- 
four, unknown in antiquity ; and to the east, il 
had for neighbours in the mountains, the rude 
Shangallas, the Troglodytes, or the race of 
Bischaries, at about ten or eleven days' jour- 
ney distant from the city of Meroe». These 
do not appear to have been subjects of Meroif, 
as they, according to what is stated above» had 
their own kings or chiefs. 

To the south of Meroe, on the other hand, vm 
a province, which, by an extraordinär)' circum- 
stance, came into the possession of a very 

" Stuabo, p. 1177. 

* Thi« U €x^tvtt\f itated by Erutostheoes in Strabo. p. 1 194. 

> EiiATOaTitEWEs» ap. SinAOo, K c, p, 1134. 




numerous race of Egyptian colonists. At the 
time Psamraeticlms obtained, by the aid of 

t reign mercenaries, the sole government in 
gypt, the numerous Egyptian warrior-caste 
rebelled against him ; they had indeed already 
in the foregoing troubles, when the priest-caste 
played for the mastery, and in fact for a long 
time played a winning game, been deeply 
injured. These Egyptian warriors, — who might 
be called, as belonging to the highest rank in 
the nation, the Egyptian nobility, if false 
notions of a subordinate nature did not too 
easily attach themselves to that appellation,— 
these Egyptian warriors, I say^ chose rather to 
leave the land of their birth, than comply with 
the new order of things, which began with 
J^ßammetichus's reign in Egypt. The king in 
Bain attempted to restrain them, they derided 
his attempt, and left the country, two hundred 
and forty thousand men in number. This took 
place about six hundred and fifty years before 
Christ. They emigrated into Ethiopia, and 
obtained a new settlement from the king of 
Meroe. He willingly received them, and ap- 
pointed them a province, whose inhabitants 
having been lately rebellious were expelled, in 
order to make way for these new comers. 
This laud, according to the best authority, was 
the present Gojam, an island formed by a deep 
curve of the Nile, which it makes immediately 
after its rise, and then returns, almost in a 
complete circle, nearly back to its sources. 


Here this numerous Egyptian colony settled, 
and formed a separate state dependent upon 
Meroe, but governed by its own subordinate 
kings, or rather, at least at a later period, by 
its queens. They introduced, according to He- 
rodotus, civilization among the Ethiopian tribes 
dwelling in these regions; and built cities, the 
most considerable of which was Sembobytis; 
there was also another called Esar. This state, 
which lasted for many centuries, extended itself 
on the east as far as the mountains, and very 
clear traces of it are visible in the histories of 
these countries at later periods'. 

The state of Meroe, therefore, comprised a 
number of very different races or tribes, uniteJ 
together by one common form of worshipi 
which was in the hands of the priesthood, the 
most cultivated, and consequently the domi- 
nant caste. But a question remains unan- 
swered, which has probably before this oc- 
curred to my readers : namely, to what nation 
belonged this rulios^ priest-caste? Were they 
natives of the country, or did they emigrate 
into it ? The origin and descent of this race 
it is impossible to prove by express historical 
evidence. The peopling of these distant re- 

« I must beseccK the reador U) accept thew remarks as ihc rrfult» o^» 
careful liUtoricnl research, wliich ua aDatUer occasion I have laid belo« 
thu public in its full exient wiih the proof«. C^mmtntat.Sotiet.Sae»^ 
Oiirilitig. tora. xii, p. 4tt, etc. The pa5&age& of the mncienta «^bich 1 hMf* 
priDcipaDv quoietl arc Hkrod. ii, 30; Pmkv, vi^ ^, 30; and SrUiO* 
p. 1134. Sc« t Hutoru'üf W^fh*, ui, p. 323. 

[AP. II. 


oas, and many of the early emigrations, oc- 

irred so long before the period of legiti- 

ate history, that more than conjecture cannot 

; here expected. We know, however, that 

ley did not consider themselves as a race who 

ad emigrated into the land, but as a primi- 

ve aboriginal people, and the same belief pre- 

ailed among the Egyptian priest-caste •, No- 

ing more can be determined respecting them 

om historic evidence. What therefore now 

smains to be done, is to examine whether the 

formation we have respecting this race will 

l^arrant us to consider them as having emigrated 

into this region ? and whether we can discover 

m the tribes still existing there the descendants 

■T that race? Our knowledge of it can only 

Be derived from the monuments it has left 

behind ; but from these innumerable pictures 

■e are placed in a situation of judging of its 

■eternal character. In these we always dis- 

:jover the same formation of countenance, the 

Mime shape ^\ the same colour, and although 

■ith many variations, yet, upon the whole, the 

pune rich costume. The countenance has 

tiothing at all of the negro variety, it is a 

[landsome profile, the body is tall and slender, 

the hair straight or curled, the colour a reddish 

brown. That the colour in the painted reliefs 

'* Diouonus, i, p. 174. 

Duly among the few tiguies m the rock-sepulchres are lh«y twmewfaat 
ircnt. but llicK in gcoeral betray tho infancy of Ihe u1. 


was cerlaiiily that of the people represeDted, 
ao one can entertain a doubt who ha& seen 
Belzoni^s plates of the royal sepulchre, which 
has been opened". 1 would not, however, be 
understood to mean that the colour in nature 
was exactly the same ; the artists in this re- 
spect were constrained by their materials ; bul 
I maintain with confidence that this race wa* 
neither fair nor dark, but of a brown colour 
between the two. I believe 1 recognise them 
in the Nubian race. Though the colour, by 
frequent intermixture with female negro slaves» 
is become something darker, yet the same 
shapc^ the same profile, and the same moral 
characteristics are still to be found» as far as 
this can possibly be expected, in their preseot 
degenerate state'. They were once, according 
to Strabo^ a mighty nation, spreading on both 
sides of the Nile*. They are now pressed! 
back into its valley, scarcely more than the 
ruins of a nation ; but man has still been 
unable altogether to suppress them. Their 
ancieut civilization was knit to their religioß, 
and naturally declined with it; intermixture 
witli foreigners, wars, and oppressions, did the 
rest: what then can be expected beyond a faint 
bhadow uf what they once were^ ? But whoever 

^ Stte above, p. 395. 

^ Compare what is said abov«i p. 3(^, upon the accounts impiitai ^ 
Uurkhardt and other». 

« STBABo^p. n:ji, 1135. 

' Atnl yel« rcriuirkable a^ it may appear, tbv remuna of a kiervri>7 
suit 4:xisu iu those regions^ it seems then occasioned by someiMf 

t0AP. II. 


Iv^Ul take the trouble to compare the de- 
pcriptions and representations of them given 
by modern travellers, with those upon the 

hi the locality. W« read in BunxKAftDT'i TravtU in Nuhia, p. 236, «to, 

pT a priestly establi&hmeQt at Damcr, a town of five hundred houses 

ited on the soutli thore of the Tacazze or Mogrew. ju«t before its junc- 

m witli the Nile, co&sequeatly in the isle of Meroe. In this smalt bttt 

Jependent siate the authority i» in tlae haad« of a high poutill", called 

U Fuktji el Kebir, who is their real chief and oracle -giver. The oHice is 

brredilary in one family. The Faky el Kebir (or great Faky) lead» the 

fife of a hermit, shut up in his chamber ail the morning tiU about Uiree 

l^clock in the afterDcx>n, after which he transacts business till long after 

puiiet, Ue occupies a small building, one part of which is a chapel, and 

Bie oilier a room about twelve feet 5i|uare, in which he constantly reside» 

lAy and night. He is a venerable looking figure, clothed in ft loog wbite 

Poak. There are many fakys under him of various rank, who enjoy more 

less a reputation for sanctity. At Damer are several schools, to which 

mng men repair from Darfour, Sennaar, Kordofan, and other parts of 

mdan, in order to acquire a proficiency in the law, and in the rending of 

Koran. The schools are in an open place adjoining the great motqoe. 

lagine instead of this a temple dedicated to Ammon, and instead of the 

loran and law» the books of Hermes and the priest-ritual, and there will h& 

l^t little diüculty iti believing it one of the ancient priestly establishments. 

I« The affairs of this little hierarchical slate/' continue* Burkhardt, *' appear 

Id be coaducled with great prudence. All its neighbours testify ranch 

pespect for the fakys; tlie treacherous Bi&charein even, are so completely 

i«pt in awe by them, that they have oever been known to hurt any of the 

Eple of Damcr, when travelling from thence across the mountains to 
vakin» They particularly fear the power of the fakys to deprive them 
«in« and thus to cause the death of their äocks. It is also a trading 
te. Caravans pass occasionally from Damer to Dongola, Shcndy, Soua- 
iKjn, and the Arabian gulf; for many of the faky» are traders. Caravans 
Weuerally make a short stay at this place, as the land is well cultivated, 
^d common necessaries easily obtained. Two fakys accompanied the 
psraviD as guards as far as the limits of the countiy of Shcndy. The road 
n» dangerous, and the inhabitanrs upon it robbers ; but auch is the fear 
'entcrtaiacd of the fakys of Damer, that the mere sight of them maxching 
unarmed at thu head of the caravan, was sufficient to iospire the country 
people with the greatest respect. It would require an armed force to pass 
bere without the aid of some of these religious men." Could there be a 
Iratter voitcher for ihc truth of our picini-c of the ancient priest and trade 
itatc, and thi-ir rise and progress I It will now be easily understood bow 
Mttlemeots of priosta ought influeäcc the course of trade. 


CItAf . It 

reliefs, wil! recognise the same shape» and 
the same countenance«. They even still carry 
the same weapons ; the long, often two-edged 
spear, the great shield of hippopotamus-skia, 
with which they so often appear on the moDU- 
menls» and by which even the prophet cba* 
racterises them *• ; and if the splendour of their 
dress is exchanged for lighter habiliments, yel 
then the nature oi* the climate renders them 
ornaments rather than necessary clothing. All 
these distinguishing marks, I grant, are mere 
probabilities, and not founded upon historical 
evidence. It is not ditticult to bring forward 
arguments against them. 1 shall however con- 
sider my views as just, until replaced by other* 
more probable. 

This question is naturally followed by 
another, to which various and contradictory 
answers have hitherto been given ; though I 
venture to hope that what I have already said 
will go a great way towards setting it at rest 
This question is, whether Ethiopia, and par- 
ticularly Meroe, was the parent of civilizatiou, 
which descended thence into Egypt; or whether 
civilization ascended the Nile from Egypt into 
Etluopia ? I should not think this, considering 
our present acquaintance with the monuraent^, 
and the helps history aftbrds, a problem diffi* 
cult to solve, if a prevailing mistake attending 
it be first laid aside, Man seems to wish to 

8 Sc« them m Leg it and olhct»^ 

^ JKtt»alvi,9. 




lay the burden upon those who hold, as a 
matter of certainty, that the original point of 
civilization, — or, what is equally important, the 
worship of Amnion with its dependences — 
was at Meroe, and that it spread thence down 
the Nile into Egypt, and certainly, in the first 
place, to Upper Egypt, where it obtained 
in Thebes its full perfection ; of proving by 
circumstances, since we know the monuments, 
how this happened as it were step by step. 
Such an expectation, however, not only stands 
in opposition to the monuments, as we have 
above explained them — but also to history. 
We have historical evidence that rulers of 
Meroe were, at certain periods, likewise rulers 
of Egypt, and at least uf Upper Egypt ; and, 
on the other hand, that many of the Pharaohs 
extended their dominion over Ethiopia, What, 
therefore, could be more natural than that 
countries should be mutually affected by being 
thus brought into close contact with each 
other; and, as the erection of monuments, 
temples, and their appurtenances, formed so 
essential a part of the rites of Amnion, that 
the Pharaohs, when they ruled over Ethiopia, 
should endeavour to perpetuate their memory 
there, as well as in Egypt, by the building of 
monuments? I think this already settled by 
the reliefs which decorate the walls of the 
Nubian temples ; and that I have proved, as 
well by the high perfection ot the art as by the 


objects they represent, that they must be 
ascribed to the flourishiog period of the do- 
minion of the Pharaohs. And who would pre- 
sume to deny that every one of these temples 
was not their work ? 

Those, therefore, who derive the civilization 
of Egypt from Ethiopia, and particularly from 
Meroe, will not go farther than to affirm, that 
the separate colonies of the priest-caste spread 
from Meroe into Egypt. This happened ac- 
cording to the oracle of Ammon. ** They un- 
dertook their expeditions at the time and to the 
place appointed by the god "." The fact is too 
well known that the foundation of colonies in 
the ancient world generally took place under 
the authority of the oracles, for it to be neces- 
sary to stop here to prove it. But these 
oracles were under the guidance of a higher 
power, that of the high priests, or perhaps the 
kings, or both; consequently we may safely 
conclude that these settlements were not left 
to blind chance, but selected and appointed for 
particular objects. And this is confirmed by 
history and the monuments. 

One of these settlements, the nearest to 
Meroe on the north, is only lately become 

• HsRoo. ii, 29. "Srparfvovrai i* hi* expression. The found&öoo ^ 
such colonic«, in the midst of baTb:irouB nations, would very liUlj W 
ofltjn allcaded willi wars» But the wailike cxpediüotis of a nriesüv rtaH 
n-ould naiunilly have for their oUjecl tlie spread of its wonhin 
without tJiis no coaqucKta could he preserved. 




known to us. 1 speak of that near mount 
Berkal ^ Here evidently stood a sort of second 
Meroe; indeed, even the very name obtained 
here, the village being still called Merav^^^. 
At this place are found the remains of two 
temples, dedicated to Osiris and Ammon* The 
larger, virith an alley of sphinxes and all the 
sections of the great temples of Egypt, sur- 
passes in extent and finishing those of the 
parent state'. The smaller, called by Caillaud 
a Tt/phomum'^, exhibits in its sanctuary Ammou 
with his whole train". But, besides the name, 
another thing indubitably proves this place to 
have been a colony from Meroe ; 1 mean the 
pyramidic buildings for the dead, with nearly 
the very same number of pyramids as at Assur, 
though of a larger size"*. These are the only 
ones which are found between the island of 
Meroe and Egypt, The reliefs on the temples 
relate to the worship of Am men. A hero, or 
king, is offering to him a number of captives 
on the pylone*'. In the interior decorations, 
richer gifts of fruit, cattle, and other articles. 
In the front building of the pyramids Osiris, as 
king of the lower world, to whom likewise 
gifts are presented''. This place, at a later 

It This mountmn {\e% on tite we&t bank of llie Nile ; the monument at iu 
loot* This h now made kaomi lo us by the plates and grouad-plaü of 
CAii-i^Afij, pble xlix — bxiv, 

* Ca ILL A OD, plate IxiV'— btvi. *» Ibid, plate trvii. 

*> Ibid, ptaie Ixxi. 

«> Cah-lavd, plate Ivi, Ivii. Also opposite, on üie wesiera bank «f llic 
Nile, ncax Nuiri, la % group of pyramids. Caillauu. ptate xlviu 

V Caivlavd^ plate Ui* i Ibid, plate Hü, li¥* Iv. 



CHAP. 11. 

period,— probably after the period of the Ptole- 
meys,— became the capital, which bore the 
name of Napata ; and which as late as the time 
of Nero, when tlie Romans captured and de- 
stroyed it, was the residence of the queen« 
who reigned here under the title of Candace** 

Ammonium, in the Libyan desert, was, ac- 
cording to the express testimony of Herod- 
otus \ another of these colonies, which, as we 
have already shown, did not consist merely of 
a temple and oracle, but rather formed a small 
state where the priest-caste was, as at Meroe, 
the ruling body, and chose a king from among 
themselves. And, certainly, according to bi§ 
account, this colony was founded in common 
from Thebes and Mcroe. A very remarkable 
fact, which not only proves the foundation of 
such colonies, and the objects for which they 
were intended, but also places beyond a doubt 
the continuance of a connection and a coraraan 
interest between Meroe and Thebes. 

The kingly Thebes itself was a third, and by 
far the most important settlement of this priest- 
caste; it formed a sort of central point, from 
which tliey spread over the rest of Egypt and 
the Oases. The priestly tradition of Ethiopia 
and Egypt asserted the worship of Ammon and 
Osiris, with its feasts and processions, to be 
first settled at Meroe the raetropolis*. From 

' PiiN. vi, 35. Compare Manneiit, x, p. 220. 

• HrJion. ii, 42. 

• Dior.oRt», ». p. 175. A« the credibiliiy of the statemeDls ol Dio?* 




this city did Osiris, the great symbol of Egyp- 
lian civilization, carry it into Egypt, The 
worship of Ammoii and his temple associates. 
ü\e same priestly dominion, the same oracles, 
(confirmed it in antiquity; and do we not see 
ithe same truth still established by the monu- 
pients, when we discover in the temples of 
jDpper and in the pyramids of Middle Egypt 
he same designs carried to the highest per- 
fection, of which the monuments of Nubia and 
eroe furnished the first rude models? But 
at Meroe was a colony of Thebes there is not 
|Uie slightest proof. And if the question turns 
pon the rise of civilization, — what is gained 
y this opinion ? On what account was it less 
ikely to arise in Meroe than io theThebais? 
No doubt, in both countries, certain external 
causes promoted it ; but that these are to be 
found as well, indeed rather sooner, in Meroe 
than in the Thebais, will be seen in the next 

It is no slight proof of the conclusions to 
which I came, in the early editions of these 
Researches, by the study of history, to find that 
the pursuits of others, in a different path,— 1 
mefm the study of monuments and inscriptions 

depends entirely upon tlie sotirces Uom which he oblaitted tkeirit it ih no* 
Ceuary that these should be bmvight under notice. He cites them hiin&ell'. 
At one time sla written^ Qaniely the narrative of Agathafchlderi iu h'n, wurk 
on the Red sea^ and the history uf Ariemidortis : at others as oral -, nnuiuly 
the assertioQn of the priests m the Ibebaisj and of the ambaji»&adoni fmm 
Meroe, whom he there liad an opportunity of cunversing' with ;. all these 
•gree very well together. DiutMiius, i, |i. 181, 



CB4P. tt. 

— lead exactly to the same inferences. 1 can- 
not, therefore, refrain from giving here the 
opinions to which the labours of Gau and 
Champollion have led, although these as yel 
are only prematurely made known : 

** The observation of Gau,'* it is said', 
" seems especially interesting, on account of 
the results to which it will lead ; we mean his 
remark, that he hopes by his work to prove, 
that the original models of Egyptian archi- 
tecture may be found in the Nubian monu- 
ments, from the rudest rock-excavation to the 
highest point of perfection ; and that specimens 
are met with in Nubia of the three different 
epochs of architecture. Of the first attempts, 
the excavations from the sides of rocks, which 
were not till a later period ornamented witi 
sculpture, the temples of Derar, Ipsambul, and 
Ghyrshe afford examples. From them Egyptian 
art proceeded to perfection, as we know from 
the monuments of Kalabsh^, Dekar, etc; and 
again retrograded, as is shown by the 
buildings of Dandour, etc." 

" History," it is said, in the letters upon 
Champollion's latest discoveries*, *'is extend«! 
and authenticated, Champollion reads tb« 
names of the mighty Egyptian Pharaohs upon 

" From the German jouroals, the HewptrM, etc« 

■ From the t.atTes dt Turin, or in Germani, m the Eurttptmrkt NiOtft 
Sept, \a2i, p. '224. In some lat«r accotjnt» it h suid, thai uPOi^ ^ 
Pflpyrus-rolk a whole »rchive ha» been found, with the twhh* ''^^ 
F'haraohs, ami annals of their reign. 




the edifices which they erected ; and arrives at 
certainty respectinjj the deeds of a Thutmosis, 
Amenophis II., Ramasses Miamuu, Ramasses 
the Great, or Sesostris» and others, which our 
modern sceptical critics would tear from the 
volume of authentic history, and place among 
ihe fabulous'. But a powerful voice is raised 
in their favour by the irrefrai^able evidence of 
the venerable reliefs, the innumerable inscrip- 
tions on the pylones and long walls of the 
Theban palaces. Nearly thirty royal dynasties 
are enumerated, of which, from seventeen up- 
wards, uninterrupted monuments have been 
di.^^covered. ' 

*' The most flourishing period of the Egyp- 
tian state, and its hi^^hest point of civilization, 
Champollion places under the eighteenth dy- 
nasty; the first of whose kings expelled the 
shepherd race, or /i^Iaos, from Lower Egypt, 
under whom this part of Egypt had groaned 
for centuries. It was also the Pharaohs of 
this dynasty who so aggrandized Thebes; who 
built the vast palaces of Karnac, Luxor, Medinet 
^bou, Kornu, and Memnonium. What a high 
pitch of cultivation \ What an astonishing era 
f art ; two complete thousand years before the 
ugustan age of Rome ! The niaguiticent 
lace of Karnac records by its hieroglyphics, 
that it was built during the eleven hundred 


f That mil < riiicisin was not Tüumlcd upon Uie&e, may be secü l)y the 
^arly editions of this in^nrk, and my Mutuioi oj Äncitnt flhttny. 



CBAP. tl- 

years which elapsed from the time of Ameno- 
phis I, to that of Nekao 11, Amenophis 
was the third, Amenophis II. (whom the Gree 
call Memnon) the eighth, and Amenophis III; 
the sixteenth of this glorious dynasty. Bui 
the most exalted hero among the Pharaohs 
was Ram asses the Great, or Sesostris, as he i* 
called by Herodotus. He is the first Pharaoh 
of the nineteenth dynasty, and flourished 1500 
years before Christ'." 

" But the advantage of these researches, 
interesting in their consequences, is not merel 
confined to the antiquities of Egypt; it stretclieJ 
away to the south — it opens up an historical 
view of countries, whose names have not yet 
been enrolled in the eternal tablets of history. 
In Nubia and Ethiopia, stupendous, numC' 
rous, and primeval monuments proclaim so 
loudly a civilization contemporary, aye earlier 
than that of Egypt, that it may be conjec- 
tured with the greatest confidence that the arU, 
sciences, and religion, descended from Nubii 
to the lower country of Mizraim ; that civili- 
zation descended the Nile, built Memphis, and 
finally, something later, wrested by colon izatio« 
the Delta from the sea. From Meroe and 
Axum, downwards, with the Nile, to the M€<ü' 
terranean, there arose, as is testified by Dk>' 
dorus, cultivated and powerful states, which» 

■ The Pharaohs of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynastMi ajt iko' 
which T have compriMtl under the name of Sesostrides» Manual «f .♦•^ 

AP. n. 



Ihougli independent of each other, were con- 
nected by the same language, the same writing, 
and the same relif^ion." 

" ChampoUioii, by comparin«: the manners 

and customs, the political institutions and phy- 

rical orga^nization of the Egyptians with those 

rf other nations, regards it as certain that 

ley are a genuine African-descended race; 

mdoubted aboriginals of this quarter of the 

rorld, as they resemble the western-Asiatic 

lations, their neighbours, in but a very few nn- 

important particulars. Their language contains 

few analogies with the Sanscrit and Zend, 

le Chinese and the Arabic, as their writing 

ith the rest of the known world. Every thing 

;nds to prove them a gi*eat, a self-cultivated, 

id an exclusive family of nations, possessing 

le north-east of Africa, Nubia, the Oases, and 

How well these conclusions accord with my 
►wn, the earlier editions of this work will show, 
hould there still be something problematical 
the manner in which the priest-caste ex- 
snded itself, it will be solved by my recalling 
le attention of the reader to a remark already 
lade ; it is, that those very places formed the 
principal stations of the caravan trade* I have 
(ready proved this with regard to two of them, 
mmonium and Thebes'; and the following 
iquiry will leave no doubt respecting Meroe 

* Se# ttbove, p. 203. 

I f 2 



If I do not err, a stream of light is breaking 
upon the night of Egyptian and Ethiopian an- ■ 
tiquities, which opens to us new and unex- " 
pected prospects. Who can help perceiving 
here a close connection between religion aad 
commerce, which was, perhaps, as natural to 
those countries as it is opposed to our insti- 
tutions. Though this priesthood was not itself 
a trading body (which 1 by no means maintalQ;, 
did it not guide the southern commercial inter- 
course by its establishments ? Were they the 
builders of those proud temples aiid paJaces 
along the banks of the Nile and on the great 
inland trading highways, which served 
sanctuaries for their gods, as dwellings foi 
themselves, and as stations and marts for tbei 
caravans ? Were they, indeed, the founders ofl 
those states which bore so close a resemblance 
to each other in Egypt and Ethiopia?— These 
are questions which perhaps many of my 
readers have already proposed to themselves' 
But if we w^ould not answer them with pa/ 
tiality, we must take a higher point of vie». 
and trace out, in its whole extent, the ancieo' 
and so frequently mentioned Ethiopian cofl)' 
merce, as far as the darkness of antiquity ^^'' 
permit us. 






Comrnerce of Meroe and Ethiopui. 


HEN it is considered that the Ethiopians 
re ooe of the most distant and least known 
tions of antiquity, and that only vague and 
[figured reports had reached the west re- 
acting them, can it be a matter of surprise 
so little should be known of their cora- 
je ? There are many circumstances, how- 
in ancient history, which cannot be satis- 
[rily proved and described from the direct 
lony of ancient writers, which, neverthe- 
ippear certain and consistent to the critical 
ian. To this class belongs the early com- 
l1 intercourse among the southern nations, 
ich the Ethiopians took so considerable 

re has. in a remarkable manner, or- 

It he commerce of these nations, by con- 

reasurcs on one portion of the southern 

which the others have not, and yet 




cannot well do without. This need of a com- 
mercial intercourse certainly does not prove its 
actual existence ; but> as it evidently gives an 
additional force to every historical argument 
brought to its support, it is on that account 
necessary, to go somewhat farther into its 

By the countries of the south I here under- 
stand the western coast of the peninsula of 
India, together with Ceylon on one sideband 
Ethiopia and Arabia Felix on the other. India, 
as I have shown elsewhere', is one of the 
richest countries of the world in natural pro- 
ductions, and on that account has always beettj 
a country of the greatest importance in thi 
commerce of the world. Besides wares fo 
clothing, which it possesses in common wil 
other countries, nature has bestowed upon i 
exclusively, cinnamon and pepper, the V 
spices most in request. In colder regions thi 
are become articles of luxury ; but under thi 
burning and damp climate of the southern zot 
they are indispensably necessary, as antidot 
to putrefaction ; and none of the nations it 
these regions can ever do without them af 
having once experienced their value. 

Yeman, or Arabia the Blest, though separate 
from India by an open sea, is yet connect« 
with it by nature in an extraordinary manned« 
One half of the year, from spring to autui 

* See my R**farchn mt the biniif NaiimAM. 




the wind^' regularly sets in and wafts the ves- 
sels from Arabia to India ; the other half, from 
autumn to spring, it as regularly carries them 
back trom India to Arabia^ A sky, almost 
always serene, offers them the stars as guides, 
and spares them the pain of creeping round the 
coasts. Though nature has conferred no spices 
upon Arabia, she has amply made up for that 
deficiency by other valuable gifts. If not ex- 
clusively, Arabia is above all others, the native 
country of frankincense, of myrrh, and other 
aromatic perfumes. If the purification of the 
air by sweet smelling savours was not as neces- 
sary in these warm climates, as spices are for 
the preservation of the health, yet the value of 
these productions was doubled by religion. 
There was scarcely one of the half-civilized 
nations of the ancient world, that would have 
dared to offer a gift to the gods without frank- 
k,As eastern Africa likewise produced frank- 
cense, it divided, in some degree, this treasure 
with Yeman ; but it possessed another besides, in 
its gold, of which neither this country nor India 
could boast, and without whicli their traffic must 
have been much cramped. Though the western 
coast of the Indian peninsula did not produce 
this metal, and Arabia, if at all, but very 

tt What arc cdled tlie moiiHions., which must not be confounded with 
e almüst uDcltADgcable trado winds ol other «c*»*. 
r The formci is a soulh-weat, llie laU^r a. norlh^eajil wind. 



COAf . Ill/ 

sparingly*, eastern Africa contained those di» 
tricts abounding in gold, which are still num- 
bered among the richest of the world. 

Taking all these circumstances together, il 
may easily be perceived, that there are probablr 
no other extensive regions of the world, where 
so many causes excite to a mutual commerce; 
and if any such should be found, trade could 
scarcely anywhere be more profitable than 
here. Let us now follow the historical traces 
which have been preserved respecting it. 

The early appearance of Indian produce in 
the western world claims our first attention. 
Indian spices, especially cinnamon, come be- 
fore us as early as the Mosaic records ; and» 
indeed, in such quantities as plainly show then) 
to have formed an important article of trade*. 
Should, however, any objection be made to the 
translation of the terms' or the uncertain an- 
tiquity of the Mosaic writings, the explicit ac- 
counts of the early trade of Arabia Felix will 
be sufficient to obviate them. 

Both Hebrew and Greek writers always 
speak of this country as one of the richest of 
the earth. It has already been shown in my 
researches upon the commerce of the Phoeni- 
cians, how well that enterprising people, and 

* Ancient write» give gc^ld to Arabia Felix its « natunl prodijction. 
It tft nol found there at present, wliit-li leaves tlie fact id doubt. 

• See in I'xihIuü xxx, 23, ibc tnujueralioti and ijuautity of spices to be 
u&eii in coinpcvurifling the holy oil üf ilie Baurtuary. 

' I ifo not know that thU hm^ UtHtn rjue&tiuncd. 



even the Jews, were acquainted with it^ The 
Hebrew poets cite the names of its various 
cities and harbours, and are full of the trea- 
sures which were imported from them*". No 
sooner had the Greeks obtained some know- 
ledge of these regions than they almost ex- 
hausted their language in crying up the bound- 
less riches concealed in Arabia Felix. ** Its 
inhabitants, the Sabians/' says Agatharchides 
as quoted by Diodorus*, " not only surpass the 
neighbouring barbarians in wealth and magnifi- 
cence but all other nations whatsoever. la 
bringing and selling their wares they obtain 
among all nations, the highest prices for the 
smallest quantities. As their distant situation 
protects them from all foreign plunderers, im- 
mense stores of precious metals have accumu- 
lated among them, especially in the capital. 
Curiously-wrought gold and silver drinking 
vessels in great variety ; couches, tripods with 
silver feet, and an incredible profusion of 
costly furniture in general. Porticos with large 
columns partly gilt, with capitals ornamented 
with wrought silver figures. The roofs and 
doors are ornamented with gold fretwork, set 
with precious stones; besides which, an extraor- 
dinary-magnificence reigns in the decoration of 
their houses, in which they use silver and gold, 
ivory, and the most precious stones, and all 

* See ttie ehapk<r tm tlii; läad-tmc!« of the Phui'niciaB«. 
*' Compare Kzek. xxvii, 21-24, and tlie ooinmeniarie». 

• ninuotiu»« i» p. 216. See note. 


CHAP. iir. 

other things that men deem most valuable 
These people have enjoyed their good fortune 
from the earliest times undisturbed ; being suf- 
ticiently remote from all those who strove 
feed their avarice with the treasures of others. 
The inliabitants of this country then had ob- 
tained by their commerce not only immense 
wealth, but had arrived at a high degree of 
cultivation ; as even architecture and the plastic 
arts liiid made a considerable progress among 
them. It was not, however, from the mere 
produce of their soil that they obtained this 
opulence ; much of it, as wc learn from Hero- 
dütus's account of the cinnamon which came 
through their country S was derived from the 
merchandise of India, for which their couotiy 
was the great mart ; and his statement is fully 
confirmed by the testimony of another well 
informed writer*. '* Before merchants, he 
says, sailed from India to Egypt, and from 
Egypt to India (that is, as the context shows, 

^ Hthoo. iii, 3. See ihe chapler on th« land trftd« of the FhoeoidASf- 
I AttAiAN. PeripL Mar. Eritth. ia Hudson's Geog. Min. i, p. 15. 
Sitice the lirsi appearance of tlicse Kesearches this valuable docnincot. 
JO importattt in the history of geography and commerce, has been tUo*- 
tnled by the wdl known and excellent coramenuries of Dbav Vii»n3"- 
It appe&fed to this careful and acute critic, a<t it mu&t indeed to every od«. 
who. withom prejudice, and with some knowledge of the EaAt, goes into the 
inquiry, that the higti antiquity and extent of an active comtneice faetw0^ 
the countries of tlic i»auth is io veiy clear that no doubt can reuaiD it* 
specling it. The reNuU^ of tibe learned dean, who laboured independeoily 
of the author, — tliowgh he shortly before his death testified to hilt», by letter, 
his participation, and approbatiou of his labours, and sent to the Ubfwy** 
Goeltiogca a copy of Urn last editton of his work, enriched with hisown ssO* 
graph additions,— are quilo in uniüon upon these particulars. Sw Viwcf)«» 
Pcripltts 0/ the Er^threun Ufa, in the Vrtlimiuarxi Di\tfumU<}n§t p. Si,i*C* 





befor^e the period of the Ptokmeys), Arabia 
Felix was the staple both for Egyptian and 
Indian goods, much as Alexandria is now for 
the commodities of Egypt and foreign mer- 

If the explicit testimony here brought for- 
ward proves a commercial intercourse between 
India and Arabia, it proves at the same time 
its high antiquity, and that it must have been 
in active operation for many centuries™. And 
although we have not sufficient information to 
point out with absolute certainty by what na- 
tion and by what way the navigation between 
these two countries was carried on, yet every 
thing connected with the subject, seems to 
point the finger so plainly to the Arabians, that 
we can scarcely err in attributing it to them. 
The Indians nowhere appear as navigators"; the 
Arabians always. They not only possessed the 
navigation of the Indian ocean during the whole 
of the middle ages, but undoubtedly enjoyed 
during the period of the Ptolemeys, and imme- 
diately afterwards, the advantage of a direct in- 
tercourse with India. When therefore we hear 
tliat their country even thus early was the market 

"• Althougli its commeocemeat is beyond Uie reach o( liistory, it is 
neverlhtilc»& very evident that it was yet in its «nith during ifcie times of 
Isaiah. JercmiaJi, aad Ezcktd ; in the eighth and seventh centuries be- 
lore the Christian era, and consequently in the Nourishing period (as is 
aiio^n in the preceding section) of the kingdom of I^Ieroe. The overthrow 
of the thnme ol the Pharaühi seemit to have led to its decay ^ though tlie 
more early great Asiatic wars of the Assyrians »nd Babylonian«, had, no 
doubt, coosidcruhty affected it. 

" Sec Vincent's Periptw, p. 61, and my Htuarcha on ihr huliam. 



CBAF, m. 


for Indian ^[oods, it is surely highly probable t 
ihey, at tliis time as well as afterwardäs, posses 
the carrying trade of the Indian ocean. Whe- 
ther this was confined to coasting, or whether J 
advantage was taken of the monsoons, and 1 
vessels stretched across the sea, must be left j 
to conjecture ; though we can scarcely suppose I 
it possible that the benefit of this wind should 
have remained unknown, during the lapse of 
centuries, to a people dwelling in the very re- 
gions whence it blew". Every other passage 
across the open sea, in the infancy of time, may 
excite suspicion, nothing howevercan be opposed 
to the shortness and facility of this. A great 
part of the way along the Arabian coast, more- 
over, might be navigated by the monsoons ; the 
rest of the voyage was in itself inconsiderable, 
and the great number of islands, with which 
the ocean is here dotted, would serve as land- 
marks and harbours. At all events it is a re- 
markable circumstance to every reflecting mind, 
that the direct transit from Yeman to India 

<* The wcU known accoual io AniiiAV. PeripL p. 32« that Ihe ust of tiff 
inaD5O0n& was Rrst introOluced by the Greek» Htppalus, TonDs do objeetioat 
It refers imly to the Greeks at Alexandria, and not to the earlier peciodt« 
In these prlmiiitie limes the use of the monsoons was not required io tb 
same niaaner a^. in the Aiexaodrine period, when vu^sels t^tei fnMn 
Mjos, Honuos, and Bereuice. At that time Ad»n, lyiiig witboui tibc 
strait« of Babelmandel. was the prioeipal port^ as it seemed defttinod to U 
by its position. This dii»tinctioii is of great itnportAiice. The voyage ^i*"^ 
Aden to Malabar and hack )s the easiest in the world, because onts^ 
thither with one wind und rcturo!» xvith another ; but the voyoue oate( ^* 
Arabian gulf i^ (nr more difficult, for two diSercnt wiads are reciuiwd U»* 
for the aavigatioD In and fro. See on this head VAttj^j^iA*! TmiÄbr"» 
p. 380. 



leads straight to that very district of all this vast 
country, in which (at Elephanta and Salsette) 
some of the most ancient and remarkable monu- 
ments that are to be found within it still exist. 

The intercourse between Arabia and Ethiopia 
IS not subject even to one of thc6-e little difficul- 
ties. They are neighbouring countries^ only 
separated by a narrow strait. Just across this 
lies the Ethiopian land of frankincense, known 
to Herodotus^', and, near to that, the gold coun- 
tries, of which so much has already been said. 
That Egypt and the rest of northern Africa 
abounded in the home produce of Ethiopia, as 
well as in those of the countries we have just 
mentioned, is evident from so many circum- 
stances, that no doubt can remain upon the 

In proportion as we ascend into the primeval 
ages, the closer seems the connection between 
Egypt and Ethiopia. The Hebrew poets sel- 
dom mention the former without the latter; 
the inhabitants of both are drawn as commer- 
cial nations. When Isaiah, or rather a later 
poet in his name, celebrates the victories of 
Cyrus, their submission is spoken of as his 
most magnificent reward. " The trade of the 
Egyptians, and the merchandise of the Ethio- 
pians, and of the tall men of Saba will come 
over to thee and become thine own '^Z' 
When .leremiah' extols the 2:reat victory of 

»* n*nrtP* *>i 8. 

'I l«.*ii«, %\v, 14. 

J K14»)«. xU'i, 9. 



CHAP. rrr. 

Nebuchadnezzar over Pharaoh Neco near Car- 
chemish, the Ethiopians arc allied to thef 
Egyptians, When Ezckiel threatens the down- 
fall of Egypt, he unites with it the most distaiU 
Ethiopia*. Every page, indeed, of Egyptian 
history exhibits proofs of the close intimacy io 
which they stood . The primitive states of Egypt, 
as we have already seen, derived their origia 
from these remote regions; Thebes and Meroe 
founded in common a colony in Libya; Ethio- 
pian conquerors more than once invaded EgyptJ 
Egyptian kings in return forced their way into 
Ethiopia ; the same worship, the same manners 
and customs, the same mode of writing arr 
found in both countries; and under Psammeti- 
chus, as is shown above, the noble and nume- 
rous party of malcontents retired into Ethiopia. 
Does not this intimate connection pre^suppose a 
permanent alliance^ which could only have been 
formed and maintained by a long, peaceable, 
and friendly intercourse? 

Egypt also, as far as history reaches back, 
abounded in all the commodities of the southern 
regions. Whence did she obtain the spices 
and drugs with which so many thousands of 
her dead were embalmed ? Whence the in- 
cense which burned on her altars? Whence 
that immense quantity of cotton in which her 
inhabitants were clad, and which her own soil 
so sparingly produced ' ? 

• EiKR. %xx, 5, ajid the Comtnenl. of MiciiAKr.ta. 

« Sec BtiiiiMAKN'ä Citrlt0reituH^ lur Waartnkttnite^ v, p. J9, 


Farther, whence came into Egypt that early 
rumour of the Ethiopian gold countries, which 
Cambyses set out to discover, and lost half liis 
army in the attempt? Whence that profusion 
of ivory and ebony which the ancient artists of 
Greece and Palestine embellished " ? Whence 
that general and early spread of the name of 
Ethiopia which glimmers in the traditional his- 
tory of so many nations, and which is cele- 
brated as well by the Jewish poets as the 
earliest Grecian bards f Whence all this, while 
the deserts which surrounded that people, 
seemed to form an eternal barrier between 
them and the inhabitants of the northern dis- 
tricts ? 

Yet why should 1 invoke thus imperiously 
the traditions which have so long slept? Let 
the remains of those proud monuments, which 
extend in one unbroken series from Elephan- 
lis and Philae beyond the desert to Meroe, 
now speak for themselves. However short 
and monosyllabic their language, they plainly 
enough evince that a close connection must 
have prevailed between the nations that erected 

I think I have now placed the reader in a 
situation to judge both of the certainty and ex- 
tent of this international commerce of the 

« HkROI'' lii» 114, Kthiopia, the m«st distant region t*f the earthi brin^ 
forth gold tn plenty, iind \\my iiuij ebony uiul various otlier woods, amt um 
tallest and mast lon^ -lived of men. 



chaf. III. 

souihern regions in that very remote period. 
It was just a connection between the richest 
and most productive regions of the earth : the 
*rold countries of eastern Africa, the spice 
regions of India, and the native land of frank* 
incense, of precious stones and drugs in 
southern Arabia. Another interesting research 
still demands our attention, and that is to trace 
the course of this trade through the distant 
countries of Africa. The more original and 
unexpected the views have been which have 
already, in more than one place, opened before 
us, the greater claim I hope tu have to the in- 
dulgence of the reader while I yet detain him 
somewhat longer on this part of my subject. 

This research necessarily presupposes an- 
other inquiry, upon which mdeed I have al- 
ready touched, but which still requires to be 
carried a little farther, because it is a subject 
which does not readily fall in with our ideas» I 
allude to the exact relation in which comnterce 
stood in these regions with religion. 

Commerce and religion have always been 
indissolubly connected in the East. All trade 
and commercial intercourse requires peaceable 
and secure places in which it may be trans- 
acted. In the limited countries of Europe, 
inhabited by nations partly or altogether civil- 
ized, every city, indeed almost every hamlet, 
affords this. How totally different is the case 
in the immeasurable tracts of the East! The 
rich caravans here have often to perform 




journeys of hundreds of miles through nations 
of nomad robbers. The mart is not where 
they might choose, but on the boundaries of 
the desert, where nature herself fixes it, in 
the midst, or in the neighbourhood of these 
roving hordes. What can protect commerce 
here but the sanctity of the place? Where 
are their free cities except under the walls of 
the temple? 

Besides, a profitable and ready sale of mer* 
chandise requires a resortin«^ together of men; 
and where does this take place so frequently 
and to such an extent as in the vicinity of the 
national sanctuaries, where whole nations cele^ 
brate their feasts ? Here, where men give them- 
selves up to good living, the necessaries of life 
will be plentiful, and here the merchant will 
obtain the best profits. Now, however, the 
East affords a striking example of the extent 
to which the trade by sea has diminished that 
by land. Mecca remains still, through its holy 
sanctuary, the chief mart for the commerce of 
Arabia ; and what are the great caravans of 
pilgrims which journey thither from Asia and 
Africa but trading caravans ? Are not the fairs 
which depend upon their arrival the greatest in 

The rapidity with which a place rises in the 
East, wlien once it has obtained a sanctuary 
that becomes the object oi' pilgrimage, and by 
that means becomes a place of trade, almost 





surpasses belief*. The whole organization of 
social Hte in these parts contributes towards it» 
In Europe the richest market can only become 
the resort of a less or greater number of indi* 
viduals ; but in the East, where the greater 
part of the inhabitants consist of nomads, who i 
though their wants be few have still some, orfl 
easily acquire them, which can only be grati- 
fied by commerce, it is not merely individuals, ■ 
but whole tribes, or portions of tribes, who ^ 
appear as merchants. How well-frequented, 
how important must a trading place of this 
kind become under such circumstances ? How 
widely must the fame of such a sanctuary 
become spread ; and if once trade becomes 
connected with it, how natural it seems, that, 
by the establishment of similar sanctuarieSi 
with the same form of worship in other distant 
places, the same order of things should follow? 
Upon the religion of these nations^ I have 
endeavoured to be as explicit as the nature of 

*■ The single exampte drawu imm ibe pretent times of a place in Eg^ 
which Europeans scarcely know by oune, may aerv« as a sufftcieal ^ro^- 
Tenta, a city of the Delta, ii celebrated a» containing the sepulchre <rf« 
Mahometan saint. Seyd Achmed. Ihe vcneratiou in which ihi* i» beU 
brings an incredible ntimber of pilgrims, who come at the lime of ^ 
spriög-equtaox aod 8uroTOer-&olttice from Egypt, Abyssinia, Arabia« ^ 
Darfour. Their number is stated at one hundred and fifty thoviod« 
Xbeae pemidical auembties. besides the worship of the vainl, are detoH* 
to commerce ; and «ich of them is the period of a celebrated *"< 
which lasts for many days» and at which ibe produce of Upper EcyP^»*^ 
coast of Bajbary. and the whole of the cait, is exchanged for tliecittk ^ 
the Delta and the iinen there manufnctured. MfnwirtM tur VHkV'*' 
torn, ii, p. 357. 


these researches requires« It was the worship 
of Amnion and the deities into which he 
became trausformed, whose rites were propa- 
gated by the foundation of colonies of the same 
caste of priests along the banks of the Nile, 
from the vicinity of its sources till its divided 

i streams lose themselves in the sea. And the 
same places which are most celebrated for the 
worship of these deities, are also famous as 
I the great marts for the commerce of these 
" regions. 

These statements, therefore, furnish us with 
so many data for determinini? the most ancient 
trading route from Ethiopia to Egypt and 
northern Africa, It is unnecessary to prove 
; that this was a caravan trade ; the situation and 
nature of the country will allow of no other. 
The Nile, if we believe Herodotus, was not 
I navigable above Egypt but with ^reat labour 
(although commerce in this way seems very 
early to have been carried on); and single 
merchants could travel with as little safety in 
antiquity, as they can at present, over these 
sandy deserts without a secure convoy, 

I have already, in my researches upon the 
land trade of the Carthaginians, pointed out the 
caravan roads from the north of Africa, and the 
negro countries to Upper Egypt, where Thebes 
was the place of rendezvous. It therefore only 
now remains to trace out the route from thence 
to Ethiopia, and its chief place, Meroe. 

Nubia from its situation is the natural, and 

G g 2 


has therefore always been the great poi 
of comnionication for the caravan trade betwe 
Ethiopia and the countries on this side the 
NiibiEin desert. There are still three princip 
caravans whicli go from inner Africa to Egypt 
one from Fezzan or Barbary, another from 
Darfour, and a third from Sennaar and Atbar, 
the ancient Merot'^ In coming from Egypt this 
is the first fertile spot that relieves the wearied 
eye of the traveller over the dreary desert, the 
crossing of which is so often attended wilb 
toil and pain, and frequently with peril. Nature 
therefore seems to have destined this as the 
resting place for the caravans from Egypt; it is 
likewise the natural staple for such productiom 
of inner Africa, as are wont to be transported in 
the north. It is indeed the extreme point of 
the gold countries towards Egypt'; and pos- 
sesses an easy communication with the south- 
ern regions, by the many navigable stream* 
with which it is surrounded. Its moderate 
distance from Arabia Felix facilitates its inter- 
course with that rich country, which a^a 

y This is gencrmlly acknowledged, ^ec liowever MAnoirf» ntrt*Ecgt*t\ 
torn, it, p. 81. I 

^ Meroi; \s enameraled as gne of rhc countrie& which uroduce p^\ 
Dtooonits» i, p. 38; Strabo. p. 1177. This is p&rtieularly tobeui^] 
»lood of the difttncls adjoiaiDg it on the south- we«t» Cuba, aod Nubt» «^^ 
abound in gold. It is however very probable thai the rivei^ io Mtf« 
brought some gold wilh (hetn, .is they partly flowed from iKoa« ««■■* 
lainou* pTovincea. Meroü moreover had mines of Iron and meul, Dio»* 
nvs, i. p. 3S; Stuabo» p. 1177. Certainly tiot an ummporUaV 0«' 
cwmstaace in «timating the degrw of civilizatioti to which thai c«»»^ 
lud attained. 




renders it, as it thereby possesses the trade ut 
Arabia and India, the natural market of Africa 
for Arabian and Indian goods. 

But though Sennaar, or the country of Meroe, 
appears as a great commercial country, yet 
the territory about the city of Meroe seems 
always to have been the principal market. 

*' Shendy," (now the nearest place to the 
ancient Meroe) says Bruce % who does not speak 
here as illustrating any point of history, but as 
simply relating his adventures. *'was once a 
town of great resort. The caravans of Sennaar, 
Egypt, Suakin, and Kordofan, all were accus- 
tomed to rendezvous here, especially since the 
Arabs have cut off the road by Dongola." 

Still more copious particulars have been 
given us by another well known traveller, no 
way inferior to Bruce; 1 mean the celebrated 
Maillet, who wrote at the beginning of the 
last century**. At that time the caravan from 
Sennaar arrived twice every year, bringing 
gold dust, ebony, ivory, balsam, and between 
two and three thousand black slaves ;^all 
wares equally known and valued in antiquity'* 
It assembled at Gherri, a place lying a few 
miles above Shendy and the ancient Meroe. 
The merchants from Sennaar and Gondar, the 
two chief cities of Abyssinia, and many other 

■ BH»fCE, iv, p. 632. 

•» Maillkt, Df»rrifi(i<ifj de CEj^^ptt, p. 197» 216, etc. 
c Exactly the same that ntrodotus menlioo» as the produce of Ijthbpt«, 
see lib. iiU IHp 



amr» nt 

districts, here met together to begin their 
journey. The caravans leave the Nile to the 
east» and stretch across Libya, where, after a 
seventeen days' journey, they come to a fertile 
valley planted with palras; then, continuiuj 
their route, which leads over moiintainoü« 
distncti», they ai^ain reach the Nile at Moafelut] 
a city of Upper Egypt. 

The information brought to Europe by the 
French expedition, not only confirms this state- 
ment, but discloses many other particular« 
respecting the commercial importance of these 
places'*. Shendy, or the ancient Meroe» we 
are told, is the place where the caravan road 
to the north, or Egypt, and to the east, or 
the Arabian gulf and Suakin, separate. It 
must therefore on this account have become 
long ago a place of great trade» and it still 
remains the next city to Sennaar. 

It bare also this character in the middle 
ages, to the flourishing period of Arabian com- 
merce. The trading road extended at thai 
time from Alua to Suakin, to Massuah, and to 
the islands on the Arabian sea*, 

Burkhardt, who remained an entire month 
at Shendy^, not only confirms all this, birt 
gii^es such copious details respecting the trade 
of that town, that I refer the reader to his work 

■I ^ttmmreisur t'Egiipif^ tcm. iv, p. 119. 

' From Makkizi in QuAriiKMEitr. ol Qt ixc y, lU^natm, ii, p. ^^ 

• From ihc !7lh t>f April lo Üic 17lJi of May, 1814, Tmttt,^^* 




in preference to giving extracts, *' Commerce/' 
he says, ** is the very life of society in these 
countries. There is not a single family which 
is not connected more or less with some branch 
of traffic, either wholesale or retail, and the 
people of Berber and Shendy appear to be a 
nation of traders in the strictest sense of the 
word*." Among the articles of commerce 
which he particularly specifies, are black male 
and female slaves, dhourra, gold, ivory, ebony, 
monkeys, and ostrich feathers **• The land 
does not produce sufficient dhourra for the con- 
sumption of the population, but requires a 
supply to be imported. The many other 
articles of commerce, which he mentions, are 
chiefly brought from Sennaar, whence a caravan 
arrives every six weeks ; almost as often from 
Suakin ; and the traffic with Yeman, Hadra- 
raaut, and Malabar, is represented as very 
active*. To these must be added the salt- 
trade, so important in ancient times \ The 
great salt-works are but at a few miles distance 
from Shendy, which supply all Abyssinia with 
this useful commodity; Strabo also mentions 
this, to whom I must refer for farther par- 

r BVRKIMRPT, p. 234. 

b That ibere was a coasiderable trade in oitilch foathers in aatiqutty, is 
evident from the frequency of theif appearaoce in the beaddrei» of the 
Egyptian prif^U, JMonkeys we have seen abovß aunong the booty, p. 367, 
as well as in the trade of Ophir, 1 Chjvov, ix, 21. 

* BURXBABOT. p. 319. 

h Ibid. p. 276. It is perfecüy while. The Sennaar merchants buy ii 
m great riuanlities lor ihe Abyssinian market. lis importance in all ages 
requires jio proof. 

456 ETHIOPIANS. chap, m- 

ticulars*. I shall only notice one other cir- 
cumstance, which I think of too much con- 
sequence to be passed over in silence. 

Although the intercourse between Egypt, 
Arabia, and Sennaar, is so brisk, that to the 
west, with Soudan"', is altogether as inactive 
and insignificant. The principal commerce of 
the interior of Africa, is chiefly carried on 
in two directions ; one follows the valley of the 
Nile from Egypt to Sennaar, the other is that 
of Soudan, from the Joliba to the Mediter- 
ranean. The empire of Bornou forms a separa- 
tion between them. Thus it is now. And a 
glance at the trading routes laid down upon 
my map, will show that it was just the same 
in antiquity. All here perfectly agrees. 

It appears, therefore, that the districts of 
Gherri and Shendy, that is of the ancient 
Meroe, was, and still continues to be, the place 
where the caravans are formed, which trade 
between Egypt and Ethiopia, or the point at 
which they touch in |}assing to and fro. But 
a commercial connection between Egypt and 
Meroe being established, it scarcely needs be 
mentioned, that the trade of the latter must 
necessarily have stretched much farther into 
the south of Africa, Meroe was the emporium, 
where the produce of the distant southern 
lands were collected together, in order to be 
transported, either on the Nile, or by caravans, 

• Sto. 

aa, p. 


Bl RKILtHDV. p. 3^. 




into north Africa. The great end of this com- 
merce was the rich gold countries, much farther 
to the south* What is said of the Macrobians, 
whose seat I have already proved to be at a 
much greater distance in this direction, shows 
t such was the case. If Cambyses, how- 
ever, could settle the plan of an expedition to 
this nation, and could find Egyptian Ichthy- 
ophagi who knew the road and could speak 
their language, to send there as spies, a con- 
nection between them and Egypt must already 
have existed for some time. The only ob- 
struction to the communication between north 
d south Africa is the desert; the countries 
eyond that maintain, as we learn both from 
ancient writers and the more modern accounts 
f the British society, a constant intercourse". 
Thus numerous and manifold are the traces 
f a connection between Egypt and Ethiopia! 
e have only now to determine accurately the 
routes by which it was carried on. The usual 
route of the caravans in the present day runs 
to the east of the Nile, where that river makes 
its great bend towards the west, through the 
midst of the Nubian desert; the same that 
Bruce followed from Sennaar to Egypt, and 
Burkhardt from Egypt to Sennaar •*. From 
the northern boundaries of Sennaar, and the 
beginning of the desert, to Assur on the Egyp- 

II n Pracerdingt, clc p. 259, etc- 
*> The difTcreot stations und Lhe di&läDccSj, are accuraUsly stated m Ui« 
M^moirti «Mr CEgitpte, lorn, iv, IIB. 




tiaii frontier, the distance amounts to twenty 
days' journey^. Another road» which almost j 
constantly follows the course of the Nile, is»V 
in consequence of its great westerly bend, much 
farther about"*. Whether the first, that is the 
shorter but raore ditiicult, was frequented iu 
antiquity, cannot be determined from express 
historic evidence ; but as Eratosthenes and 
Artemidorus state the distance from Svene to 
the city of Meroe, the former at 625 and the 
latter at 600 mites', and these distances are 
undoubtedly reckoned according to this route*, 
we may safely conclude that it was kno^ni. 
According to Burkhardt, it is the only route 
from Shendy to Egypt*, and the one generally 
pursued by the Sennaar caravans. Though 
not without its perils, it did not appear so 
dangerous to him as the great Syrian desert. 
Springs are met with, and these naturally con- 
fine the path to one direction. A description 
of the longer way on the banks of the Nile, 
and, indeed, as far as the nature of the stream 
will allow, upon that river, has already been 
given from Herodotus, whose forty days' jour- 
ney is explained by the context, that the 

P Which U the time it took Burkhardt, who traveUed with m ctnvu* 
It took Bruce less because he did not journey with t üümerOQS cafltu« 
1 It is traced out in Urucc's map. 

* Sec above, p. 386. 

* Rerkoniüg the day's journey at twenty*fiv« miles» U will reqwi» 
twcDty-four days for th« whole distance, which agrees very well wiüt ^ 
above statements, if we add to the twenty days' journey the distaitct fr<* 
i>iheDdy to the liegianing of the destrt. 

* BtfHkllABDT» p, 207. 


course of the river is almost invariably fol- 
lowed". The succession of places along the 
river renders it probable that in these times it 
was the common way, especially Jbr those who 
dreaded the dangers of the desert. These 
places continue to Alerawe where the last cata- 
racts begin; and a very natural cause is found 
in this situation for the establishment of these 
settlements. Pliny was not only acquainted with 
them but describes the manner of the voyage up 
the Nile. ** Syene," says he, ** is the rendez- 
vous of the Ethiopian vessels. The sailors fold 
them together, and carry them on their shoulders 
as often as they come to the cataracts*." This 
custom is still continued. *' Notwithstanding 
the number of falls and cataracts," says Mail- 
let*, ** which render the navigation difficult» 
they do not altogether impede it. The boats 
are brought as near as possible to the cataracts; 
the moveable wares are then all taken out, and 
a number of men take the boat, which is built 
very light for this purpose, upon their shoulders, 
and carry it past the cataracts, while others 
transport the merchandise to the same place. 
The boat is then relaunched on the Nile, and 
so they go on, from cataract to cataract^ until 
they have passed them all." But, the nature 
of the journey itself shows very well that this 
could hardly have been the usual caravan road, 

« See above, p. 383. 

> Plicatih*» pLiN. V, Ü, they were, iktnfoia, probably made of skias. 

J iMAlLLlit. p. 215. 



And, besides, the account of Herodotus ex* 
pressly states, that people, in order to avoid 
the cataracts would rather go a journey of about 
forty days. The number of places show that 
this route lay through inhabited districts, which 
perhaps rendered it possible for single travel- 
lers to go it without danger. 

The route which led, in ancient times, from 
Meroe to the Arabian gulf and Yeman, is not 
pointed out by any historian. Nevertheless, 
traces are still extant of the intercourse of those 
nations, which time has been unable to oblite- 
rate. Just in the midst of the way are found 
the ruins of Axum, and, at its end, on the coast 
opposite Arabia Felix, the remains of Adule and 

The antiquity of Axum, the ancient capital 
of Ethiopia, entitles it to a particular notice. 
Its name is not mentioned, so far as I can dis- 
cover, by any writers previous to the first ceD- 
tury. It was unknown both to Herodotus and 
Strabo. It is first mentioned by the author of 
the Periplus of the Red sea% who probably 
flourished under Nero ; and afterwards by 
Ptolemey. Some time later, in the sixth cen- 
tury, when Justinian closed an alliance with 
Ethiopia, Axum was highly celebrated. At 
this time it was the residence of the Ethiopian 

* AttniAN, Peript. Mar. Ertfthr. ia HuDioi«*'* Gecg. Min. vot. i, J». ^ 
Axum is here railed a rajiital (metropolis), ami was m ihal time ihe chiitf 
mart for the ivory Irade. U was about seveu or eight days' jouroeyft««» 
the Rc<i sea. 



monarchs; Cosmas, Noniiosus, Procopius, and 
others have a good deal to say concerning if. 

The silence of early writers, however, proves 
nothing against a higher antiquity; and that 
Axuni, in fact, was more ancient would be 
proved by an inscription which Bruce states he 
found there, if the existence of the inscription 
itself had not since been disputed. But, not- 
withstanding the silence of the early writers, 
the ruins of Axum are still left, and their evi- 
dence is sufficient to establish the fact. 

These remarkable monuments soon attracted 
the attention of travellers. The first account 
we have of them was given by two Portuguese, 
Alvarez and Tellez**; to this succeeded the 
narrative of Bruce, which has been sharply 
criticised» and in many places corrected, by 
Salt, a later traveller, and the companion of 
Lord Valentia. 

The accounts given by the Portuguese, es- 
pecially by Alvarez, are copious, but not cri- 
ticaL The remains of Axum belong to differ- 
ent ages ; partly to a very high antiquity, 
partly to the first centuries of the Christian 
era, and partly to a still later period. Alvarez 
and Tellez had not sufficient knowledge to dis- 
tinguish these accurately; but their information 
is still very valuable, because it shows that in 

» See LuDOLi, Hist, ^thi&p. n, cap. II, and conimenuries, etc. p. <J0, 

^ See Alvaufz, Viaggw tielU Ktiajiui, cap. 38, uod, Hisimta 
Oenrrat da Ethurffia, lib. i. t'*p, 21, 


their time many monuments were extant whidi 
are no longer to be found. Besides the obeliaksv' 
sometimes st and ingaod sometimes thrown dowD, 
which were in part covered with inscnptioos, 
Alvarez mentions many pedestals, and statues 
of lions jetting out water, Tellez not only 
speaks of obelisks and pyramids, whose De- 
semblance to the Egyptian cannot be mistakAiw 
but also saw, as he relates, an inscription in 
Greek and Latin letters, most likely the same 
which Salt has since given to the world,— The 
narrative of Bruce I partly give in his owd 

** On the eighteenth of January (1770) we 
came into the plain, wherein stood Axum, once 
the capital of Abyssinia, at lea«t aB il is sup- 
posed. For my part, I believe it to have beet 
the magnificent metropolis of the trading people, 
or Troglodyte Ethiopians, for the reason I have 
already given, as the Abyssinians never built 
any city, nor do the ruins of any exist at this 
day in the whole country. But the black, or 
Troglodyte part of it\ have in many place» 
buildings of great strength, magnitude, and 
expense, especially at Azab^ worthy the mag- 
nificence and riches of a state, which was from 

•^ BHvrc, iii, p. 130, etc. 

^ [That is, tccordmf u» HeerenU translation, is the ptrti ioKabilei^ 
ihe Troglodjrtae, or Negroc». Tram.} 

■' Azab iies on ibe African cowt, near the straits ol f^betiuandcl. M^ 
exactly opposite Arabia Felix. It i» a great pity that neither Bnicr •* 
any other traveller ha& yrl «xatninied these luins. 



the earliest ages the emporium of the Indian 
and African trade.' 

"The ruins of Axum are very extensive; 
but entirely consist of public buildings. In 
one square, which I apprehend to have been 
the centre of the town, there are forty obelisks, 
none of which have any hieroglyphics upon 
them. They are all of one piece of granite ; 
and on the top of that which is standing, there 
is a patera exceedingly well carved in the Greek 

" We proceeded southwards by a road cut 
in a mountain of red marble, having on the left 
a parapet-wall about five feet high, solid, and 
of the same materials. At equal distances 
there are hewn in this wall solid pedestals, 
upon the tops of which wc see the marks where 
stood the colossal statues of Syrius, the La- 
trator Anubis, or Dog-star. One hundred and 
thirty-three of these pedestals, with the marks 
of the statues I just mentioned, are still in their 
places; but only two figures of the dog re- 
mained when I was there, much mutilated, but 
a taste easily distinguished to be Egyptian \'* 

** There are likewise pedestals, whereon the 
figures of the sphinx have been placed. Two 

« Mighl Qol these mutilated figures of dogs have been iDtcnded for 
sphinxes, or even Egyptian lions, soraewhal like ihose of the Fontana Fe- 
lice at Rome? Bruce, let! away by (us hypotliesii of the worship of the 
tlog-star. WW everywhere monumcnls of iL Though Salt could pol find 
th^e two figures, that proves uothiug ag^aioät iheir cxisletice; as Allvarei 
meoitons mauy siuiilat statues a( the lioos, which in hi» time Mirvcd sui 


CHAP. Ill' 

magniticeot flights of steps, several hiindrtd — 
feet long, all of granite, exceedingly welW 
fashioned, and still in their places, are the only 
remains of a magnificent temple.'' ■ 

These accounts of Bruce are in part contra- . 
dieted and in part confirmed by Salt, the com- 
panion of Lord Valentia, hot who went alone 
into Abyssinia ^ He denies the existence of a 
parapet of red marble, and the traces of one 
hundred and thirty-three pedestals upon it; a* 
what Bruce took for a work of art, he regards 
as a natural production. The remains of an- 
cient art found by Salt are two groups of obe- 
lisks, a considerable distance apart, each com- 
posed of fourteen or fifteen pieces. Only oue 
of each group is now standing. The largest, 
formed of one piece of granite, is eighty feet 
high, and some of those thrown down are still 
more; the smaller one is twenty feet. Mapy 
of them, and the first one standing upright is 
among the number, are ornamented with sculp- 
tures, which seem, however, rather embellish- 
ments than hieroglyphics; some are plain. 
The proportions and workmanship are admir- 
able ; the plates of Salt give a very just idea of 
them, and contradict the strange fancies of 
Bruce respecting the Greek paterce^ etc. 

The ancient monuments of Ax urn were laW 
waste by the violence of fanaticism. According 

' Valkmtiji/;» TrovtUt vol. iii. p. 87, sq« Ißl. Among Um pbl» i** 
a grouDd-plot of the territory, a rvpreMntation cif the ^r«»i obcliik» is^ '^ 

th« modern churcli. 



to the statement of the ecclesiastics of the place, 
by a queen of Amhara, named Gad it, about the 
year 1070 ; or, according to an inscription found 
there, by a conqueror named Abun David ; 
perhaps by both. As Axum was something 

tiore than eleven hundred years the seat of a 
Christian church (the present one was built in 
657), many of the old materials were probably 
sed in the construction of the new establish- 
ments ; and only such remain as could not be 
readily removed or put to use. This, however, 
^U£ sufficient to clear up every doubt respeclinef 
"the high antiquity of Axum. Though the plan 
of the principal building can no longer be accu- 
rately laid down, yet Mr. Salt expressly re- 
larks, that all the antiquities in the district 
>f the new church now form one group, and 
formerly belonged to one great fabric. But 
ho does not perceive in its separate members, 
well as in the whole, a most striking resem- 
»lance to the Egyptian monuments. Do not 
le rows of obelisks, which here again form an 
tvenue ; the pedestals, which at one time bore 
itatues, perhaps of a gigantic size ; and the vast 
lagnitude of the whole, show the same archi- 
icture, the same art in the arrangement of the 
•eat masses of stone, and the same taste as 
le ruins of Thebes, of Elephantis, and Meroc, 
ith which Bruce himself in another place 
jonipares them '^ ! Remarkable differences, 

'" Bit I La, iv, ^. G42. 

M tl 



CHAF. [It. 

however still occur ; for, as I have already ob 
served, no traces of obelisks appear in Nubia 
and Meroe\ while here we find them in groups; 
and while, on the contrary, the Egyptian obc* 
lisks are covered with hieroglyphics, there are 
none on those of Axura, which are merely oroa- 
men ted. I 

These circumstances have lately led a learned 
historian, to conjecture that Axum was originally 
one of the cities founded by the emigrant war- 
rior-caste from Egypt, And there is much, 
certainly, which appears to favour this opinion'. 
It lays within the territory possessed by them, 
which we know extended easterly towards the 
Arabian gulf. And, if this opinion should be 
correct, it would account for the absence of 
hierot]flyphics, as there was no caste of priests 
among them. This would make Axum mount 
up to the last period of the Pharaohs, and it is 
known, from the Periplus of Arrian, to have 
been, some centuries later, a principal mart for 
the interior trade ; whether it was so even still 
earlier, remains indeed open to conjecture. 

Thcr end of this route, according to Bruce» 
was Azab, at the entrance of the Arabian gulf, 
whence the passage to Arabia Felix requires 
but a few hours. Ruins, similar to those de- 

** What Unice took for tlie fnginerit ot nn ob«Uak near Kur^oi» (M* 
above p. iißO) was not seen by Ins &uccesiMr. 

• iMAKvruT, Ofngrtriifitt uf ihe Ortelt and Romans, pait %, 166. ^ 
corksider& Akuib to be ideatiMed wUK Esar, which wns oüe of lb« ci^ 
foundetl by iheai. Compare n»y IrcBltse m Ctmmefn. Soe* Gaettme^vtAM' 
p. t>4. 



|Ä:ribed in the passage above cited from Bruce, 

Hare said still to point out the site of this re- 

Diarkable place, which was at one time the 

great staple of Indian and Arabian goods for 

the vast regions of Africa ^ 

H But besides Azab there is yet another ancient 
^paport on the Arabian gulf, of which we can 
^■eak with more certainty, I mean Adule. 
^nis lay at a small distance from the present 
^rkeeko, 15" N. lat. ** Adule," says Phny', 
y£according to an ancient writer, is the greatest 
[porium of the Troglodytge and Ethiopians, 
ley bring here ivory, rhinoceros-horn, hippo- 
►tamus-hides, tortoise-shell, and slaves/' Adule 
^as certainly an Egyptian colony. ** Egyptian 
^ondsnien, who ran away from their masters, 
Bunded it." Must not this be a version of the 
Buigration of the w^arriors ? Unfortunately, no 
modern traveller has reached Adule: Stuart, 
hom Salt sent there, was obliged to return, 
tving been prevented from proceeding. The 
'abians, however, are uniform in their assur- 
ices, that the ruins of a city exist there ; and 
column brought to Arkeeko gives evident 

From the accouut*. already given of theSomauiies, at p. 031, ii is seen 
desirable it U that the coast of Africa about the straits of BabelmaDdei 
fthouM be more accurately explored. If we wore even to set mde the 
thonty of Bruce with regard to Amh (which is the same as Saba), it 
lid be very üatonishiDg if the long iatercourse between Arabia and 
ica had not produced sottie large settlement. But if not to be found 
nly in the spot wliere A^ab is placed upon our chart», it may jjerhapt 
more prohahility be sought fo? without the straits, as from that part 
»nnection with Aden would be so tuuch easier. 
Pmn. vi, 34. 

H h2 


CM AP. tit. 

proofs of the Egyptian style"». The successful 
adventurer who reaches this place will m 
likely make some interesting discoveries, 
perhaps will find there, still in its place, lb 
wctl-known monument uf Adule, for the p 
servation of whose inscription we are indebt 
to Cosmas". 

It is an important circumstance, and more ih 
once mentioned by Bruce, that in all Abyssioia 
there are only three places, namely, Azab, 
Axum, and Meroe (to which we may now ad 
Adule), where ruins of those great establish- 
ments are found, whose form as well as higl 
antiquity shows them to have sprung from a 
common origin. All these are ruins of large 
public edifices ; every thing about them is co- 
lossal; while of private habitations there is not 
the slightest trace. These, perhaps, from their 
being less durable, may have long been crum- 
bled with the dust ; though it must always re- 
main very doubtful, whetlier, and how far, we 
ought to extend our notion of cities to any 
those places. The greater portion of the inha« 
bitants of Ethiopia were nomads, as they 
in the present day, and as from the nature of 
their country they must always remain, Wba 
therefore can venture to determine that th 
places called cities, really were so in point 
fact? Is it not possible that these place», 


« Salt, V^^gt ttt Ahymnw, p. 452. The name, is now 
n Si« above p, 332. 


adorned with temples and obelisks, were merely 
extensive places of trade, where caravans from 
remote regions of the world gathered together, 
and to which distant nations, under the protec- 
tion of the deities who inhabited these temples, 
brought the treasures of their country, in order 
to barter them for others? Does not this notion 
seem most agreeable to the physical geography 
of Ethiopia, and does it not best accord with 
the magnificence of these monuments ? It can- 
not be too often repeated, that in those distant 
countries every thing sprung from completely 
different causes, and therefore must have been 
completely difterent from what they are in the 
regions in which we live. 

Let us now take a review of what we have 
thus far advanced, and we shall find that we 
may with certainty deduce from it the following 
conclusions : 

Isi, It appears, that in the earlier ages, a 
commercial intercourse existed here, between 
the countries of southern Asia and Africa — be- 
tween India and Arabia, Ethiopia, Libya, and 
Egypt; which was founded upon their mutual 
necessities, and became the parent of the civiliz- 
ation of these people. 

2dly* The principal seat of this national in- 
tercourse for j\frica was Meroe; and its princi- 
pal route is still pointed out by a chain of ruins, 
extending tVom the shores of the Indian sea to 
Mediterranean. Adule, Azab, and Axum, 
je links of this chain between Arabia Felix 

470 ETHIOPIANS. cäap. iir, 

and Meroe; Thebes aad Ammonium be\ 
Merae, Egypt, and Carthage*. 

" It is et^rliUDiy a very nsmarkablc fact, that ihw «1m1» dUttÜ« 
ov«ry link of it, ma; be timced iu t)ie e»rU«ft GPMk 
fame of the Ktliiopian*, as n civilized people» had forced 
in the time of Homer« «nd referred pre-eminently, »»we bave shown tbo*«» 
to McTOt'. The bundred-gited Thebe« is cetebraied by the no« pact 
The triuliooD« of Jupiter Ammoo, in Libya, are interwovea with tbeaot 
aneient Greek mythi (Diori. i« p. 237) ; nod that the Cartliagiaiao atub 
was a theatre of ihe&e mythi, is geoermlly known, from ihe Argonuitie «i- 
pedition, the Trilott «ea, the jfarden uf the llespende», the GorgTOOs, dc« 
All this prove«, that rumours of these regioa» and pUc« craTeUedre? 
early into the we&t ; and ia it not evideot, that tbcae thoald ba tad&nltafd 
of the places, which were the seats of aatioual coimoerce ! But a vcri' 
ramtrkablc clew is preserved in Herodotus, which seems evidmiily to pro««. 
thnt not merely rumour of tht» commerce found its way inlo GreeM,^«^ 
that on attempt wa« actually made, at a very early period, to iatnnlocei 
froiij Africa, by ihc then usukil meaos, of founding a sanctnary and oiack 
1 refer to liis account of the ongm of the Dodona oracte under the PeluSi* 
ii, dl — ^58, 'i'he priests of Ammon at Thebes inforti)«! htm, liijit tks 
oracle of Ammoii and of Dodona were both foniaded ttom Tbebn; <■* 
lie himself tei^tifies. thai they tit'ere both delivered in the sasnc nunaet' 
Two sacred women (propbet^scs or soothsayers), were carried <^ by <i^ 
Phcenicians, who sold one in Libya and the other in Greece; the latter «^ 
whom foundetl that of Dodona, and Ihc former llial of Ammon. THe u^ 
formation he received in Dodona was, that two black dove» had ihn 
from Tbebes into Lgypt, one to Libya, Üit other to Dodona, ai «^«^ 
places they had, with human voices, commanded the e$lablishm«&l 
oracles ; all this Herodotus himself explains to be a Bgarative 
which had arisen from the prophetes&es having spoken a foreign 
and from their having been bUick Egyptian female«. The account oft 
sale of the two women as slaves was given him by the priests thcmsehec*] 
an uDCcrtain tradition. So far as regards Ammon, we koow frotn oiUlJ 
creditable testimony ihat thin oracle was a colony founded by Thebo a*'] 
Mcroc; it i$ thejefore exceedingly natural to coojecture the same of Üff-I 
dona, and l« consider the holy women a» merely repreveoiing these setlk-j 
ments, because ihey, as prophelci*es, certainly were tii« chief pcrtooip*'] 
Thus then becomes explained the account of Hcrwlotus, ii 51— 5M ö* 
orack at Dodona comtviaiided the Pelasjrians to adapt the Egypttan funK*«* 
the dciue»# which at the ^ame time passed through ibeui io the llcllew»^ ^ 
scarcely need repeat that I only slate this as a conjecture ; but vttl »n«* 
no more natural way of explaining Herodotus*« Citr»ordiiiaTy Accm^ '^l 
Ihc adoptioa of Ü1C Egyptian names of doilie« ix» Greece, thm tliilt^' 



3dly. The chief places of this trade were 
likewise establishments of the priest-caste, 
who, as a dominant race, had their principal 
seat at Meroc, whence they sent out colonies, 
which in their turn became builders of cities 
and temples, and likewise the founders of states. 

No doubt therefore can exist respecting the 
close connection between trade and religion 
here ; nor respecting the manner in which more 
than one state became formed, in the interior 
of Africa, in very high antiquity. But though 
this caste, by sending out colonies, guided the 
course of trade; it did not, on that account, 
keep it to itself, nor did it, in general, even 
directly participate in it. I have already re- 
marked, that the tribe of priests by no means 
became a tribe of merchants. It wouldj indeed, 
have been altogether contrary to the manners 
of the East ; nevertheless, without properly fol- 
lowing trade, they found means to obtain a 
share of its benefits, and the consideration 
which this caste obtained through it was very 
great; partly from the oracles; partly from the 
security and protection which they afforded; 
and partly from the number and variety of the 

oracle at Dodona was inHuenced from now known causes to introduce ihe 
j-:gyplian worship into Gretce, Tlial this did not produce ilie same en"ect 
as in Africa is easily accntinietl lor. Greece was altogether a differctit 
world; and wbitte«er I he Greeks ajdopted from foreigners they always 
siampcd as their own property. 

I* Ivcl iJt'C »eiw'e« hero bear in mind what is said of the preaeni Darner, 
See above p. 425. 



The nature of the caravan trade imposes 
upon it the necessity of employing a great M 
number of bands; to perform these long jour- " 
neys in safety, numerous bodies are requisite 
as a guard ; besides which, the whole internal j 
organization of caravans, the care of the camels m 
and other beasts of burden, the lading and un- 
lading of the wares, etc., require a great number 
of assistants, who not unfrequently, from mere y 
carriers, become merchants themselves. f 

Men who are accustomed to a settled abode, 
and dwell in cities, are not at all fit for a 
caravan life, constantly upon the move. Id 
Arabia, therefore, as well as in Africa, these 
trading communities are formed by the nomad 
pastoral tribes, of which the greater part of 
those distant countries are fulh. These by 
their mode of life are not only best adapted to 
it, but possess in their herds, their camels, and 
other beasts of burden, the only means of 
carrying it on. It was thus that the mer- 
chandise of the Sabeans was conveyed to 
Arabia Felix by the Nabatii and the Midianites; 
it was thus that the Carthaginian caravans 
were formed by Lotophagi and Nasamones; 
and thus it is, in the present day, that those 
from Tripoli to Cairo are formed by the in- 
habitants of Fezzan, It is not then a mere 
fanciful, fleeting hypothesis, but is founded on 
the nature of things, that this must also have 

1 Sec above, p. 1H6. 



B^en the case in Ethiopia : we already know 
that these regions were also occupied by vast 
Dumbers of wandering pastoral tribes, and we 
find some faint traces in antiquity, which 
makes the matter still clearer. 

The nations who dwelt to the west of Meroe 
along the banks of the Astaspus, tribes of 
Agows and Bejahs, could not be unknown in 
Egypt, which they must have frequented. 
They occasionally spoke there of the river on 
which they dwelt, and maintained it to be the 
proper Nile. Diodorus obtained this informa- 
tion from their own mouths'; and they could 
not well have made this long journey except 
in the train of a caravan. There is still more 
evidence to prove that the inhabitants of the 
eastern mountains, the Troglodytae, and their 
neighbours the Ichthyophagi, were engaged in 
this calling; they were indeed so well acquaint- 
ed with the route to the most distant parts of 
Africa, that Cambyses chose them for the 
spies^ which he sent under the form of an 
embassy to the Macrobians, This could scarcely 
be the first time of their journeying to this 
nation, as they were already able to speak 
their language. 

This eastern ridge, its inhabitants, and its 
productions, have been for a long time known in 
Egypt, Even Herodotus could describe them 
as far as the straits of Babelmandel ; for he not 

' DtoDonws, i> p> 45. The Agows ftpp«ftr on the roonuniCDi of Aduk. 



only points out very accurately its direction, 
but also knew, that where it ended on the 
south the land of frankincense begun*. This^ 
is the region extending from Azab to Cape" 
Guardefui ; consequently, the country of tlie 
Somaulies, And here again the statements of the 
Greeks are confirmed by the accounts of recent 
British travellers*. This accurate knowledge 
presupposes mutual intercourse, and the con- 
jecture therefore is highly probable, that the 
nomad inhabitants of these regions composed 
for the most part the caravans, which journeyed 
from Egypt to Ethiopia, and again from Ethio- 
pia to northern Africa and Arabia Felix. This 
is exactly the case in the present day. The 
caravans which trade between Egypt and 
Abyssinia are now, and have been from time 
immemorial, composed of the Bejas and Abab- 
d&, who at this time occupy the mountains and 
part of Nubia". 

These nomads, however, were scarcely ever 
anything more than mere carriers of merchan- 
dise ; no wealthy tribes being found amou 
them. They appear in this character in the 
pageants, which Ptoleoiey Philadelphus gave 
at his accession to the throne, when, among 
other shows, the procession of an Arabic-Ethio- 
pian caravan was exhibited*. ** There camel 

• liictioii. ii, 8. ^ See above, p. 330. 

«• Mtmoiret tiir CE^x/pte^ tum. üi, p, 269, 
« Athen, p. '201 i Bnucir, i. |i. 432, etc. gives» an am[)le ac««»» '] 
ihcM armed herdsmen, h h knuwn Uiut the c&ravuis of lU« n^iaid titl«s 




train of camels, carrying three hundred pounds 
of frankincense, crocus, cassia, and cinnamon, 
together with two hundred pounds of other 
costly spices and drugs. These were followed 
by a host of Ethiopians armed with lances ; 
one band of these bore six hundred elephants' 
teeth, another two thousand pieces of ebony» 
and another sixty vessels of gold, silver, and 
gold dust." Notwithstanding the part which 
these nomads took in conducting it, the trade 
itself still remained in the hands of the inhabit- 
ants of Meroe and Axum, who carried it on by 
their foreign settlements ; and these places still 
remain, what nature herself has appointed 
tlieni, the great marts for the southern com- 

Thus the great conclusion, so interesting and 
important for human nature and its history, 
becomes in a manner forced upon us: the 


of merchandise led to exchange of ideas, and 
by this mutual friction was first kindled the 
sacred flame of humanity. 

That this civilization of the Ethiopians,— 
that is of the ruling priest-caste — was bound 
to their religion is easily shown. Some scien- 
tific knowledge must indis[)utably have been 
connected with it, else the erection of those 

as now from the AbaUles, take escorts. AccordiD^, however, to anotlier 
reatliug of Atiieuxus (dutfrn^vfjui insteiul oi S&ptuJHfpoi), tliey were pre&ent- 
boariiig Ethiopian«* 



CHAP. nr. 

monuments would have been impossible. But 
the high attainments in science which some 
would bestow upon them rests upon no sohd 
foundation ^ None of the ancients has made 
them philosophers or astronomers ; although 
the latter science could not have remained al- 
together concealed to a nation, who were wont to 
spend the greater part of their lives in journeys 
across the deserts, where the stars of the firma- 
ment could be their only guide, and whose 
climate brought a more regular change of 
weather and seasons than we are accustomed 
to. Diodorus certainly derives the civilization 
of the Egyptians in general from Ethiopia', 
but I cannot perceive how this can be true, 
unless in a very limited sense; and though its 
first germe might perhaps have shot forth 
there, the fruit did not ripen till transplanted 
into Egypt. 

From the express testimony of this writer, 
we learn that the Ethiopians possessed the art 
of writing ' ; not, however, alphabetical charac- 
ters, but merely picture-writing, a proof of 
which is still preserved upon the ruins of 
Meroe**; and from this passage the first in- 
vention of it has been attributed to them. 
Criticism may fairly dispute this point, the 

I See Pl^ssinq, MemnoHium, i, p. 341, etd. 

« niof.oRL'8. i, p- 174, 175. a Ibid, i, p. 176. 

<> Hieroglyphic ioscripiions are found ut well in the vestibule of t^i 
pyramids al Asaur. especially tn the sanctuary, CAiLt.AVD» plate, xli, ili»>» 
4« in the principal temple at Naga, Caillaud« plate %%, EfptitaiWi»f 
they cannot however be copied. 



truth or falsehood of which it is equally impos- 
sible to prove. The invention of this kind of 
writing would be nowhere more easy than 
among a people with so decided a bias for the 
pictorial arts ; nor the use and perfectioning of 
it more natural, than in a state whose govern- 
ment, next to religion, was founded upon trade. 
• A very interesting fact however is recorded 
by Diodorus ; namely, that the knowledge of 
picture-writing in Ethiopia was not a privilege 
confined solely to the caste of priests as in 
Ei^ypt, but that every one might attain it, as 
freely as they might in Egypt the writing in 
common use. Ought not this general use of it 
to be regarded as a powerful proof of its being 
applied to the purposes of trade ? A great 
commercial nation altogether without writing 
surely could never exist; and however de- 
ficient hieroglyphics might be for the multi- 
farious wants of our trade, yet it seems quite 
adequate for all the purposes of the caravan 
trade, whose regular course and simple mer- 
chandise demanded but few accounts. 

The piety and justice of the Ethiopians, the 
fame of which spread to the most distant re- 
gions, even to the Greeks, requires little ex- 
planation ! They are the first virtues which 
I would be cultivated in a nation whose govern- 
jnent was established by religion and com- 
merce, and not by violence and oppression. 
The progress this nation had made in archi- 





arts, is still one of the greatest problems, 
though one of the greatest certainties. The 
ruins of those colossal monuments, raore or less 
preserved^ still lie there, and will rennain the 
everlasting proofs of the awful magnificence ot 
their architecture. 

It is however one of the worst of errors, into 
which we but too frequently fall, to consider 
ourselves as the standard of what is, or can be 
done by other nations, in other countries, and 
under other circumstances. Is it necessary 
that the band between science, architecture, 
and the plastic arts, should everywhere be as 
closely knit together as it is with us ? Might 
not mechanical dexterity and handicraft be 
carried to a high degree of perfection on their 
own account alone ? Is it not possible then 
that the powerful vigour of a nation might be 
drawn by circumstances to concentrate itself 
upon one point ; and in that way might here 
have produced works which to us seem super- 
natural ? Was not indeed the connection 
between scientific and artificial improvement, in 
our own country, very different in the middle 
ages, when our forefathers erected those lofty 
domes which we still gaze at but cannot 
imitate, much less than it is at present ? 

But with all these changes in particulars, 
how little, taken as a whole, do the nations of 
Africa differ from what they were. Temples 
and sanctuaries seem always to have been the 
object of their trading journeys, as they are in 



the present day. About those obelisks lodged 
at one time the caravans, pilgrimizing to the 
temples of Amnion, which now journey to the 
Caaba of the prophet at Mecca. The hand of 
time may still loosen here the tie between 
trade and religion, but to dissolve it is im- 

And thus then we leave the ruins of Nubia 
and Meroe, the sacred monuments of the earli- 
est humanity ! Under their shade its fruit 
once ripened, a fruit indeed only such as this 
soil could bear, but which in a more congenial 
climate mellowed into a softer and fairer form. 
It prospered better transplanted into the more 
fertile plains of Egypt, Bend we then from 
these sterile sands, that we may there survey 
it ameliorated and improved, again sprouting 
forth from a similar germe. 


Aristotle upon the (Wrt/taghiiatt Gocemment. 

(AnttTOT. PoiITirA, li. It.) 

The government of the Carltiaginians seems to 
have been admirably adjusted, and in many 
things superior to others. This is especially 
the case io those matters in which it agrees 
with the Spartan. For these three govern- 
ments, the Spartan, Cretan, and Carthaginian, 
bear a resemblance to one another, and are 
very different from all others : many of their 
institutions are excellent. But a proof of this 
being a well constituted government is, that the 
people continued weithin the limits assigned 
them, without any act of sedition worth no- 
tice, nor did the government become tyran- 
nical. The Carthaginian government also had, 
like the Spartan, common tables for the as- 
sociates; it also resembled it in having its 
council of one hundred and four, similar to the 
Ephori at Sparta, but superior to it; for every 
one might attain to this dignity at Sparta, but 
at Carthage, only the most worthy were elected. 
Again, the kings and the gerusia resembled 

1 i 



those of Sparta, but were again superior; 
the kings are not chosen from one family, 
neither from any one. But distinguished merit 
is preferred (and justly) to age and every other 
claim. For as the kings have the management 
of the most important aflairs, it cannot fail tobe f 
hurtful to choose men to that dignity, who have 
not the capacity fitted for it ; the state of 
Sparta has already suft'ered from this cause. 
Most of the faults common to the above-men- 
tioned governments have sprung from devi- 
ations (from the legal forms). With respeci, 
however, to those principles which pertain lo 
an aristocracy or republic, some of them ia- 
cline towards a democracy, but others to an 
oligarchy. For the king and the senators have 
the power to determine, respecting those mat- 
ters upon which they are unanimous, whether 
they shall be brought before the people or not; 
but where they do not agree the matter is re- 
ferred to the people. And upon what is thus 
brought before the people, they have the power 
not only to decide, but every one is free to 
speak against it, which is not allowed in other 
governments. But the jKntarchies, who many 
and great atFairs have to transact, choose one 
another, and also the council of the hundred, 
who form the highest magistracy; they also 
continue longer in office than any others (for it 
commences before they enter into that office, 
and continues after they leave it), and in thi* 
the government is oligarchic. As, however. 




they serve without pay, and are not elected by 
lot, and whatever else may be of this kind, is 
aristocratic. So also is the determining of all 
causes by the same magistrates, and not dif- 
ferent causes before dift'erent tribunals, as is 
the case at Lacedaemon. 

The Carthaginian government also leans, as 
many believe, in one respect towards an oli- 
garchy ; because it is there conceived that the 
magistrates should not be chosen merely on 
account of their personal merit, but also ac- 
cording to their property; for they say it is 
impossible for the needy to govern well and 
find sufficient leisure. Now because the choice 
according to property is oligarchic, and that 
according to personal merit aristocratic, there 
arises among the Carthaginians a third (middle) 
class of government ; for they look to both these 
points in their choice, especially of the highest 
magistrates, their kings and generals. This 
degeneration of the aristocracy must be con- 
sidered as a defect in the legislation ; for it is 
highly necessary to see at the first, that the 
most worthy have leisure (for the affairs) ; and 
may do nothing indecprous either as magistrates» 
or as private persons. If, on the other hand, 
it be necessary to look to affluence for the sake 
of obtaining leisure, it is (still) a fault, as the 
highest offices, the dignity of king and general, 
are venal. For this custom raises wealth above 
personal merit, and makes the whole common- 
wealth given to avarice. For that which the 

I i 2 



ruling classes hold to be honourable, will neces-^< 
sarily be so in the opinion of the other citizens. 
Where, however, merit is not especially ho- 
noured, it is impossible for an aristocracy to be 
firmly established. It is to be expected thai 
those who purchase the magistracy will eü-B 
deavour to enrich themselves by it ; for it is 
absurd to suppose, that if a man, who is poor 
and worthy, be willing to enrich himself, that a 
depraved man should not be willing to do the 
same. Hence it is necessary that those should 
rule who are able to govern aristocratically. 
But it would have been better if the legislator 
had passed over the poverty of worthy men, 
and had paid attention to the leisure of those 
who hold offices. It would also seem to be a 
bad thing that one and the same person should 
hold several offices, which by the Carthaginians 
is held honourable ; for one business is best 
performed by one person. The legislator, 
therefore, should have a care to this, and not 
appoint the same person to be a piper and j 
cobbler. Where, then, the commonwealth isnot^ 
small, it is more politic and more popular to 
permit many persons to have a share in the 
government ; for it is better and more usual 
as has been already said, that one thing should 
be done by one person ; it is also executed 
more rapidly. This is also evident in many 
things pertaining to the army and navy, in 
which every one. as I may say, is cummander, 
and, in his turn, under command. As the go- 



vernment of the Carthaginians inclines to the 
oligarchical, they avoid the bad effects of it, as 
they always enrich a portion of the people 
whom they appoint to the government of the 
cities. For they thereby escape the evii and 
make their government lasting. This is cer- 
tainly a chance means; but states should by 
the laws be secure from seditions ; but now, if 
an adverse fortune takes place, and the people 
revolt from their rulers, the law affords no 
remedy by which peace may be restored. In 
this manner, therefore, the celebrated govern- 
ments of the Cretans, Spartans, and Cartha- 
ginians, are carried on. 

IL Commercial treaty between Rome and Carthage^ 
concluded in the year 509 B, C ' 

(From PoLYB. i, p. 434.) 

Between the Romans and their allies, and 
the Carthaginians and their allies, there shall 
be peace and alliance upon these conditions. 
Neither the Romans nor their allies shall sail 

* I sabjom the foUowing extr»ctSi — ^which we migbt call Canhaginiati 
documeDts — Qot merely because 1 have so often referred to them in these 
iD(|uincs, but, radier, because 1 believe they illustrate much better the spirit 
at Cürthage , than a long winded cümmeniarj' would do. The first two are also 
highly important in Roman bislorj-. They relate to the younger days of llomÄ, 
ere this city doroioeered over all Latium ; the first treaty was concluded a 
year after the erpulsion of the king», and the other oae hundred and sixty- 
one year» later. They both show us Rome in a somewhat different cha- 
fscter from «bat Livy and other hisloiians ►tre wont to represent it. 



beyuüd the Fair Promontory^, unless compeUed 
by bad weather or an enemy. And in case 


be the pfoiBoatiiffy lyto^ north of C^rthag« (r^ ir|>octt/iu»o*' o^r^ 
Kaf>x>r^<>voc ^ vfi6i rac dpKTovi), aoi) cftDDOt, therefore, well be any otter 
than ibat wbicU ts ttUewbvre cbIUmI ibe Prvmtmttvrinm Itmnwum. {C^n- 
pare the üeatbe of iii:T>E, id Opme. it, p. 47, wbei« th* other paMige» 
are collecUj, upun wbicii some wifrbed to decide upon anoUier »ttaalion.) 
The authority of Polybioa in thi» caic is ccitainly superior to later writer«. 
The M!Q»c therefore li : " Tb« Ramans sliall not sail to the booth of 
promontory, alon^ the coatt of the Carthagioiati territory » lo«ranU 
Leuer Hyrli»;" where a number of citie*. and the most beavtiful aod fcr- 
tile pan of their po«6euioaaj especially in Byzacium, were situated* h i* 
tbas eirplavned by Polybius, and this explaoatioa will seem m» much t^ 
more probable, if what baa beea already said be borne in mind, that just lo 
these disli icU were the staples for the bade with inoer Africa. The ooK 
difliculty in thi& passage arises from the cities of Tarfeium aad ^astia betog 
uamed in the »tcond treaty together with ttiis promontory. Now nodtNi 
of this name are known m the territory of Carthoge» but otily in the soatJi* 
west of Spain» near Tarteisus. (See Stefo. dt UHt. under TafMfitiov uA 
Maarva.) But supposing that these cities are here (neant^itdoea iioi 
follow, ibalthe Fair PromootoTy was situated near them, and to be sottjU 
for in Spain j (for HErjvE, Opuse. i, p. 61, has alrcwdy very propcciy fa- 
marked, that the words of Polybius, icgoütutrat ^ Kal r ^ «oX^ 
Mdoria cot Tapcjfiov, must not be translated. " but near the Fair 
lory lies IVla&lia and Tarseiuiu." but rather. '* to the Fair Proaiontoryivai 
PtHasiia and Tarseitim ,") but the sense would then be, " beyond tbi Fu* 
Proraontory. on the one side, namely towards the east» and beyond tt« 
cities of Maviia ami Tarscrutn on the other, namely towards the wot. lb 
the Atlantic ocean, tlie Komans shall not sail/' etc. llkia eiplstnocä 
must itill gain iu probability if (he great value be remembered which um 
Carthaginians placed upon their western possessions without the Pill"» 
of Hercules, and the great secret they made of them. The objtctioD, ibat 
the Romans at the time of this treaty, did not uavig;ale so far« seesis to v* 
to havo but very little weight; for how do we know that\ Alkd lh«a«0 
was about the period that this alliance was coDicluded, that the Cailht^i»)* 
had stretched out the farthest, and it seems that they had ealeodad th«f 
colonies leyond the Pillars, exactly in the interval between the &T9t td 
second tieaty, which explains why these cities came to be mentioned t»*^ 
boundaries in the second treaty, and not in the fir&t. On the other b«^ 
it certainly may be objected, that this sense is not expreued w'vthsuW*** 
clearness in I he words of the treaty , according to the atrlct sent« of '^ 
it i* raore probable, that ihcr« wex« two, to us unknown, dim of this 






that they are forced beyond it, they shall not 
be allowed to take or purchase any thing, ex- 
cept what is barely necessary for refitting their 
vessels, or for sacrifice. They shall depart 
within five days. The merchants that shall 
offer any goods to sale in Sardinia, or any part 
I of Libya, shall pay no customs, but only the 
usual fees to the scribe and crier; and the 
public faith shall be a security to the merchant 
for whatever he shall sell in the presence of 
these officers. If a Roman lands in that part 
^of Sicily which belongs to the Carthaginians, 
'he shall suffer no wrong or violence in any 
thing. The Carthaginians shall not offer any 
injury to the people of Ardea, Antium, Lati- 
irenihim, Circeii, Tarradna, or any other people 
of the Latins that have submitted to the Roman 
jurisdiction. Nor shall they possess themselves 
of any city of the Latins that is not subject to the 
Romans. If any one of these be taken, it shall 
be delivered to the Romans in its entire state. 
The Carthaginians shall not build any fortress 
in the Latin territory; and if they land there 
armed they shall not remain there a night* 

in tb« Carthagiaiaa temtoiy, near the Fair Promontory, where ihtre eer- 
til Illy were a much greater Qumber of cities than h generally lupposed. It 
may ililU however, be, that the traaslation of the treaty by Polybiui might 
not be «o literally exact, but that n m«re trifling variation might render the 
reference to the cities of Spain probable. ^Tothing. therefore, can be here 
concluded with cfrtainly ; and by mer« verdicts without avideoce nothing 
would! bt done. 


111. 'Strf)/i(J cutumtfrc'tal tretittj vtmehith'd bcttvt^cn Homti 
and Carthage, in the if ear 6\% B* C\ 

(From Poly», i, p. 4d7.) 

Between the Romans and their allies, and ihe 
Cartliaginians, Tyrians% Uticeans, and their 
allies, there shall be peace and alliance upon 
these conditions. The Romans shall not sail M 
in search of plunder, nor carry on any traffic,^ 
nor build any city, beyond the Fair Promon- i 
tory, Mastia, and Tarseium* If the Carthagi-fl 
nians take any city of the Latins, not subjected 
to the Romans, they may reserve to themselves 
the prisoners, with the rest of the booty, but j 
shall restore the city. If the Carthaginians ■ 
shall make any captives, from a people that is 
allied, by a written treaty, with the Ramans, 
thouj^di they are not the subjects of their empire, 
they shall not bring them into the Roman ports; 
in case they do so, the Romans shall be allowed 
to claim, and set them free. The same condi- 
tion shall also be observed by the Romans; 
and if a Roman lands, in search of water or 
provisions, upon any coimtry that is subject to 
the Carlha*i^inians, they shall be supplied with 
what is necessary, and then depart, without 


(^ U t» noL probable that the lyre io Aji« should hert ht 
Either ilier« must have l>een a Tyre in Africa, or Tysdniä roust be 
See above p. 44. If, notwUb&tanding thU, some will siill contend lK»i 
the Phocnicitn Tyre must be understood ; then, perhaps, ihe muiu«! 
which mother states aud their colonies ob$erv« towards one auothiTp ^4+ 
given as ihe reason why Tyr« was included in the truaty. 



offering any violence to the allies aad friends 
of Carthage. The breach of these conditions 
shall not be resented as a private injury, but 
be prosecuted as the public cause of either 
people* The Romans shall not carry on any 
trade, or build any city in Sardinia or Libya: 
nor shall they even visit those countries, unless 
for the sake of getting provisions, or refitting 
their ships. If they are driven upon them by 
a storm, they shall depart within five days. 
In those parts of Sicily which belong to the 
Carthaginians, and in the city of Carthage, the 
Eonians may expose their goods to sale, and 
do every thing that is permitted to the citizens of 
the republic. The same indulgence shall be 
yielded to the Carthaginians at Rome. 

IV. Treaty concluded between Hanmbat, general ofth^ 

Cart/iagifiiam, and Philip king of Macedonia^ in the 
fourth year of the second Punic iv{u\ 215/1. C,** 

(From PoLVB. ii, p. 598.) 

This is the treaty which Hannibal the general, 
Mago, Myrcan, Barmocar, and all the senators 
of Carthage that were with him, and all the 
Carthaginians that are in the army with him, 
have sworn with Xenophaues, the son of Cleo- 
machus, the ambassador deputed by king Philip, 

*■ Haoaiba) v^as at this time in Lower Italy, and Iboped by this union 
with Philip, yfho was to iavade Italy by crcwÄing the Adriatic «a, to «n- 
Diiniate Rome, 



the son of Demetrius, in his own name, and in 
the name of the Macedonians and their allies. 

In the presence of Jupiter, Juno, and Apollo; 
in the presence of the deity of the Carthagi- 
nians, and of Uercules and lulaus; in the pre- 
sence of Mars, Triton, and Poseidon ; in the 
presence of all the gods who are with us in tlie 
camp, and of the sun, the moon, and the earth; 
in the presence of the rivers, the lakes, and the 
waters ; in the presence of all the gods who 
preside over the state of Carthage ; in the pre- 
sence of all the god« who preside over the Ma- 
cedonian empire, and the rest of Greece; in 
the presence of all the gods who direct the 
afiairs of war, and who are witnesses of this 
faith ! 

Hannibal the general, and all the senatorii oi 
Carthage that are with him, and all the Car- 
thaginians that are in the army with him, have 
said ; with the consent of you and of us, this 
treaty of amity and of concord shall connect us 
together, as friends, as kindred, and as bro- 
thers, upon the following conditions : 

King Philip and the Macedonians, together 
with the rest of the Greeks that are in alliance 
with them, shall protect and help the people of 
Carthage, Hannibal the general, and those thai 
are with him ; the governors in every place in 
which the laws of Carthage are observed; the 
people of Utica, and all the cities and nation* 
that are subject to the Carthaginian sway, 
together with their armies and their allies; lb* 


Cities likewise, and all the people with whom 
we are allied, in Italy, in Gaul, and in Liguria; 
and all those that shall hereafter enter into 
friendship and alliance with us in those coun- 

The Carthaginians, on the other hand, the 
people of Utica, and all the other cities and 
states that are subject to the Carthaginians, 
with their allies and armies; the cities also, 
and all the people of Italy, of Gaul» and of 
Liguria, that are at this time in alliance with us; 
and all others likewise that shall hereafter be 
received into our alliance in any of those parts of 
Italy ; shall protect and defend king Philip and 
the Macedonians, together with the rest of the 
Greeks that are in alliance with them. We 
will not engage in any ill designs, or employ 
any kind of treachery the one against the other. 
But with all alacrity and willingness, without 
any deceit or fraud» you, the Macedonians, 
shall declare yourselves the enemies of those 
that are enemies of the Carthaginians ; those 
kings alone excepted, and those ports and cities, 
with which you are connected by any treaty. 
And we also, on the other hand, will be the 
enemies of those that are enemies of king 
Philip ; those kings, and cities and nations alone 
excepted, to which we are already bound by 
treaty. You shall be partners also with us in 
the war, in which we are now engaged against 
the Romans ; till the gods give to you and to 
us a happy peace. Vou shall supply us with 


the assistance that is requisite, and in the 
manner that shall be stipulated between us. 
And if the gods, refusing success to our endea- 
vours in the war against the Romans and their 
allies» shijuld dispose us to enter into treaty 
with them, we shall insist, that you also be 
included in the treaty, and that the peace be 
made upon these expressed conditions : that 
the Romans shall at no time make war against 
us: that they shall not remain masters of 
Corcyra, Apollonia, Epidamnus, Pharos, Di- 
malic, and Atintania. And that they shall 
restore also to Demetrius of Pharos, all the 
persons of his kindred, who are now^ detained 
in public custody at Rome. If the Romans 
shall afterwards make war either against you 
or us, we will mutually send such assistance as 
shall be requisite to either party* The same 
thing also will we perform, if any other power 
shall declare war against us ; those cities and 
states alone excepted, with which we are allied 
by treaty. If at any time it should be judged 
expedient to add to the present treaty, or to 
detract from it, it shall be done with mutual 

V. The Voyage of Hanno^ commander of the Car- 
Ihagiuianst round the parts of Libya beyond tks 
Pillars of llercules^ which he deposited in the temfk 

of Saturn. 

It was decreed by the Carthaginians, that 
Hanno should undertake a voyage beyond the 




Pillars of Hercules» and found Liby-Phoenician 
cities. He sailed accordingly with sixty ships 
of fifty oars each, and a body of men and 
women to the number of thirty thousand, and 
provisions and other necessaries. 

When we had passed the Pillars on our 
voyage, and had sailed beyond them for two 
days, we founded the first city wliich we named 
Thymiatcriura. Below it lay an extensive plain. 
Proceeding thence towards the west, we came 
to Soloeis, a promontory of Libya, a place 
thickly covered with trees, where we erected a 
temple to Neptune; and again proceeded lor 
the space of half a day towards the east, until 
we arrived at a lake lying not far from the sea. 
and filled with abundance of large reeds. Here 
elephants, and a great number of other wild 
beasts, were feeding. 

Having passed the lake about a day's sail, 
we founded cities near the sea, called Caricon- 
ticos, and Gytte, and Acra, and Melitta, and 
Arambys. Thence we came to the great river 
Lixus, which flows from Libya. On its bauks 
the Lixitae, a shepherd tribe, were feeding 
flocks, amongst vvhom we continued some time 
on friendly terms. Beyond the Lixitae dwelt 
the inhospitable Ethiopians, who pasture a 
wild country intersected by large mountains, 
from whicli they say the river Lixus flows. In 
the neighbourhood of the mountains lived the 
Troglodytae, men of various appearances, whom 
the Lixitae described as swifter in running than 



Having procured interpreters from them, we 
coasted along a desert country towards the 
south two days. Thence we proceeded towards 
the east the course of a day. Here we found id 
a recess of a certain bay a small island, contain- 
ing a circle of five stadia, where we settled a 
colony, and called it Gerne. We judged from 
our voyage that this place lay in a direct line 
with Carthage ; for the length of our voyage 
from Carthage to the Pillars, was equal to that 
from the Pillars to Cerne. 

We then came to a lake, which we reached 
by sailing up a large river called Chretes. 
This lake had three islands, larger than Gerne; 
from which proceeding a days sail, we came 
to the extremity of the lake, that was overhung 
by large mountains, inhabited by savage men, 
clothed in skins of wild beasts, who drove us 
away by throwing stones, and hindered us 
from landing. Sailing thence we came to 
another river, that was large and broad^ and 
full of crocodiles, and river horses ; whence 
returning back we came again to Gerne. 

Thence we sailed towards the south twelve 
days, coasting the shore, the whole of which is 
inhabited by Ethiopians, wlio would not wait 
our approach, but fled from us. Their lan- 
guage was not intelligible even to the Lixit», 
who were with us. Towards the last day we 
approached some large mountains covered with 
trees, the wood of which was sweet*scented 
and variegated. Having sailed by these moun- 
tains for two days, we came to an immense 



opening of the sea ; on each side of which, 
towards the continent, was a plain ; from 
which we saw by night fire arising at intervals 
in all directions, either more or less. 

Having taken in water there, we sailed 
forwards five days near the land, until we 
carae to a large bay, which our interpreters 
informed iis was called the Western Horn, In 
this was a large island, and in the island a 
salt-water lake, and in this another island, 
where, when we had landed, we could discover 
nothing in the daytime except trees ; but in 
the night we saw many fires burning, and 
heard the sound of pipes, cymbals, drums, and 
confused shouts. We were then afraid, and 
our diviners ordered us to abandon the island. 
Sailing quickly away thence we passed a 
country burning with fires and perfumes ; and 
streams of fire supplied from it fell into the 
sea. The country was impassable on account 
of the heat. We sailed quickly thence, being 
much terrified ; and passing on for four days, 
we discovered at night a country full of fire. 
In the middle was a lofty fire, larger than the 
rest, which seemed to touch the stars. When 
day came we discovered it to be a large hill, 
called the Chariot of the Gods. On the third 
day after our departure thence, having sailed 
by those streams of fire, we arrived at a bay 
called the Southern Horn ; at the bottom of 
which lay an island like the former, having a 
lake, and in this lake another island, full of 



savagfe people* the greater part of whom were 
women, whose bodies were hairj\ and whoni 
our interpreters called GorillaB. Though we 
pursued the men we could not seize any of 
them ; but all fled Irom us, escaping over the 
precipices, and defending themselves with 
stones. Three womeu were however taken; 
but they attacked their conductors with their 
teeth and hands, and could not be prevailed 
upon to accompany us. Having killed them, 
we flayed them, and brought their skins with 
us to Carthage. We did not sail farther on, 
our provisions failing us. 

Observation, The opinions respecting the Periplus of 
Hanni> differ very widely from one another, both as reganfe 
its aut!ienticity and the circuoistances attending it. I caunoiti 
however, believe that any critic will;, in the preeem day, donM 
its authenticity in the whole ; though they may its intc^tf- 
Its «hortness lias It^d many to suppose that it is only ^f 
abridgment of a larger work : and this opinion is favoured by 
Rennel, and seems confirmed by the passage in Pliny, Mitt- 
Nat, ii, 67, where he says : Hanno sailed frooa Gadea nanA 
Africa to Arabia, and has given a description of the voyage. 
But another writer has already justly observed, that PHn^ 
had not himself read the Pertplus, but depended on the un- 
certain testimony of another ; and that the passage of Pomp. 
Mela, iii, i), clearly shows that Mela had read aur Peripli» 
GossELiN, necherchex, i, p. 64. The Periplus was not, cpt- 
tainly, the description of a voyage, in our sense of ihf? phrasfr 
hut a public memorial of the expedition, being an injtcfiptvrf 
posted up in one of the principal teniiples of Carthage. Thi« 
is evident : Jirxt, from its being a general custom of the Csr» 
thaginion commanders to leave behind them such public mo- 
numents of their enterprises, which is shown by the ejcamplf 
of Hannibal, see p. 256 of this volume ; and srcondly, by tbf 



superscription of the Periplus itself. It is there called: ""Ay- 

>äiif^^ nfpiv><AVi 0* a.i>f^if}Hev €if T*p ToiJ Kp«vov TifAtVf». *^ The voyage 
of Hanno, which he has posted up in the temple uf Krniioa." 
For so must aW^icey be translated, which is well kooivii to be 
the propter expression among the Greek» for the Donarii in 
the temples ; on which account they were adled avoBiqfAara» 
This inscription was, without doubt, in the Carthaginian 
language. We, however, have only the Greek translation, 
whose author is unknown. It is therefore highly prolmble 
that it was a Greek traveller, perhu|)s a merchsint, who made 
a translation fur his fiwn use ; and we know what a iserieis of 
accidents must have happened to bring down to us thi^ curious 
document, being the j>ersoniJ narrative of the coummnder of 
the first voyage of discovery on the western African coast, 
about five hundred years before Christ I To this translator, 
therefore, must be attributed, in my opinion, any irregularities 
in its form and contents ; they can not however justify us 
in deciding that there are any interpolations. 

The more early ooaimentaturs upon the Periplus are. Bo- 
chart, in Geograph, Sacr.i/33; Campomakks in his Anlig. 
Maritima de Carthago, vol. ii ; Doiiwell in Dissert. I, 
in Geograph, Min. cd. HufjgoN, vol. i. and Bououainvili^r, 
Mhnuires snr les deacourerlfx d'Hanno, in the Memmres de 
tAcadhnie des Inscriptitm.s, torn, xxvi, xxviii, all of whom maice 
the navigation of Hanno reach to the coast of Guinea. Be- 
sides these, two of our most ci'lebrated geographers haver more 
recently? bestowed considerable labour upon the Periplus, but 
differ in a remarkable manner in their conclusions : i. e- Goe- 
RELiN» in his Recherches sur la Geographic dex Ancicns ; and 
Major Rennel in his Geography of Herodotus. The former 
of these so shortens the voyage of Hanno, as to make the island 
Ceme the most southern of the settlements he planted, tlje 
present Fedalla, which is found under 334** N. lat., while 
Rennel so extends it, as to place this island about thirteen 
degrees farther south, under 20^"* N. lat.; this difference na- 
turally occasions a great discrepancy in the boundary of the 
more distant navigation, which Gosselin carries no farther 
than Cape Nun, in 28° N. lat., while Kennel extends it to 
Sierra Leone, within eight degrees (»f the equator« This dif- 

K k 


fprenoe of rcckonifig is easily luicimnttrd for, from Ui 
having stated the distances according to the number of da] 
sail. The calculation of Gosselin, howe\rer, is founds U] 
hypotheseA to which but few critics will be inclined to aK8ct 
Finit, he would have it, that the expression without the C 
iumns mii&t include the strait itself, because the Ciilamns 
Hercules signify the two rocks Calpe and Abyla at the im 
entrance of the strait. In accordance with this be ci>mpu( 
from this point, and not only places the city of Thvniiaterii 
within the strait, near the present Ceuta, but also holds the 
protnontor)' Soloej which it coat Hanno two days' navigation 
without the Cohimns to reach, for Cope Sj*artel, forming the 
otjtward part of t!ie strait on the African coast. But the ei* 
pression, the Columns, is not usually meant so much of tbe 
rocksj as of the strait in general ; and the national resoLutko 
of the Carthaginians, that Hanno should found colonies ^' witb* 
out the Coliiuins,** certainly could hear no otlier sense, thifl 
that he should plant settlements on the western coast of i 
Africa, in the Athuitic ocean ; nay, the following 
according to !H. Gosselin's o^vn statements, lay there, 
condlvj M- Gossdiii proposes a computation, by following whiA 
a day s sail will amount to no more than five great h 
OT sea miles (20=1°). For as when Cooke sailed along 
eastern coast of New Holland he could not make more 
seventeen leagues in twenty-four hours, we ought not to 
to Hanno, who lay by during the night, and had a 
fleet in company, more than tive such leagues a day. 
comparison, however, is very little to the purpose, 
sailed along a coast of which he wished to draw 
map, while his progress was interrupted by the nni 
coral reef» iinth wliich it was beset, and which compelled ^ 
to have constant recourse to the plumb line. Hanno h}*J 
such hindrances, and sailed in a climate where the tracic 
and currents, both known to come from the north, wtfW 'j 
his favour. M. Gosselin stands also opposed to the 
authority of the most creditable ancient WTiters, who 
days navigation to be much greater; namely, H< 
(iv, 86) at seven hundred stadia, sixty-eight 
miles, and Scylax (p. 30) at five hundred stadii 


gfiögraphical miles. These liypothcses then of M. Gosi,elin 
■ being eiToneofis, hJa particular statements drawn from them, 
pi>f course lose their credit. Major Kennel, on the other Imnd, 
in my opinion, makes Hnnno's voyuge extend Sfmiewhitt loo 
for. I will not however here dispute hin statenienti* in detail, 
nor attempt a proper oomnicntary upon the Peri pi us, which 
without maps, drawn expressly for the purjxise, would not be 
understood. I »hall, instead of these, make ti few general 
remarks, which I think will serve a» general principles to ex- 
plain it. Tlierefore : 

1. It must not be expected that every point can he deter- 
mined with certainty-, iis the author himself has not always 
stated the number of days' navigation, smd consequently not 

le distance. Besides this, we have not yet, in my opinion^ 
ly sufficiently accunite description of the const of this part 
Africa, thot can serve us for a piide. Tlie reader will 
lerefore necessarily be satisfied with some of the prindpaJ 

2. In order to obtain these, we must separate the two great 
parts of the voyage, which had a double object; first, that of 
founding colonies, and these, as is apparent from the fact, not 
far beyond the straits ; and secondly, that of exploring the 
more distant coast of Afri«t. According to this, therefore, 
[the length of the day's voyage in the first and latter part of 

je expedition, though simitar in all other respects, might not be 
le same ; for the first part was performed \vith a whole heavy- 
leu Heet ; the second, without doubt, with one or two 
?s8els. The first part of tlie voyage extends to the island 
»me, the second to the gulf called South Horn. 
. In the first half we come to a, the city of Thymiaterium, 
days' voyage from the end of ttie stniit, or Cape Sportel. 
us take the day's navigation here with the whole fleet at 
It ten sea miles — according to the above remarks a very 
rate distance-^then must this city be near El Ilaratcli, 
rtween El Haratch and Marmora ; this cannot he far 
[their true situation, h, The promontory Soloe ; Hanno 
jot say how far this was from Thymiateriiim ; but it is 
It from his narrative that it must have been the first 
in promontory he came to. Hurotlotus also clenrs up 

K k 2 



f>, lau; 

this Old 

this, who not only knew it» but quotes it ah the n 
point of Africa. Hkrod. 11,32. From this I have no dimbi 
of it« Iwin^ Cape Blanco, near Azimnr, 33^ N. lat. (not la 
be Confounded with the southern Cape Bknoo, 90° N, laU) 
which they would reach,, according to the above calculatii 
in two days* voyage from Thymiatarium ; and I prefer 
he almve grounds to Cape Cautin, which h one duy 
to the south, and therefore adopted by Hennel. c. The 
cessive settiementä of Acra^ (lytte, Cariconticos^ JVIelittai 
Ammbys, lay at about a day and balFs sail from the 
montory ; they must thiTefore have stood in the districts oi 
Safy, or AkuFv^ just beyond Cape Cantin^ about 32** N. Ist 
The great river Lixitffi^ at which they next arrived, would 
then be the river Morocco (on which is built the city of tht 
satne name), or, as it is called, the Ter&if. From this {loiiil 
to the island of Cerne, the last of the settlements^ the num- 
ber of dayK* navigation is not stated ; hence the oondusioo 
that the voyage from the Columns to Ceme> may have been 
just OS long as that from Carthage to the Columns. If the 
distances be judged equal, then the island of Cerne must be 
sought for beyttod Cape Bojador, where it is placed by Alujtir 
Rennel, undf r 20** N, lat. 1 cannot, however, believe^ that 
in the same length of time they would make the aome way, a» 
from Carthage to the Pillars they navigated a weU-known 
sea, where thev had no obstructions, and might sail as well 
by night as by day ; but, beyond the Pillars, in a sea of whid» 
they were entirely ignorant, much more circumspection vn$ 
necessary. I think it tlierefore more probable, that the isliad 
or ishmds of Cerne, must be sought for either near MogsddTi 
31-J^°, or near Santa Cruz, 30 J". But though the situation oi 
this place remains rather uncertain, there cujinot be any gwil 
error in determining that of the others. 

4. The second part of the expedition, starting from Ctf«, 
is simply a voyage of discovery, and must as such be oidö* 
dered. This was, however, a double voyage. The first lin^' 
Hanno proceeded southwards, and came to a great riv«?r, töl' 
of crocodiles and hippopottimus. The Dumber of dav* ^ 
occupied is not mentioned, but as no such river is fouud ^ 
of the Senegal. I hold that to be the one meant. Fim^^* 




point tlie expedition returned^ from causes not stated, back 
to the island of Cerne ; but it commenced from this place the 
second voyage, in ivhich the number of days' navigation is 
mostly, though not always noted ; namely, firHt twelve days* 
voyage along the coast till they came to high mountains ; then 
two days' voyage to a bay, where they took in water ; tlien 
five days' nuvigation farther, till they came to another bay, 
which was named the West Horn ; together nineteen days' 
voyage. After this the expedition proceeded along the hot 
region of Thymiamata, without determining the number of 
days* navigation. Tlien four days' voyage to the high moun- 
tain called God's Chariot ; and then again three days more 
to the bay called South Hom^ whence they turned back. 
If we now allow four days for the voyage along the country 
of Thymiamata, the whole will make a voyage of thirty-one 
days from Cerne. Now, m in this whole voyage the current 
as well as t!ie wind was always favourable to the navigators, 
as will be found noted upon Rennels maps, it certainly is a 
very moderate computation, to estimate a day^s navigation at 
forty geographical milea=12j sea miles, which makes the 
whole distance from Cerne amount to 1200 geogr^iphical 
miles. Taking the island of Cerne to be near 8anta Cru«, 
this will bring us to the mouth of the Gambia, and it seema 
a fair conjecture that the hay called 8outh Horn was in fuct 
the mouLb of this river, and the West Horn that of the Se* 
negal. It is well known that the Greeks called the mouths 
of rivers their horns. If this be graTjted, then the computed 
distance leads at once to the c<»ast of 8enegambia^ which I 
take for the hot country of Thymtamata,, and Major Reuuel 
has already so validly shown, that all the particulars related 
exactly correspond with this conjecture, that it would be 
superduous thereupon to dwell any longer. Against IVLGos- 
selin, to whom this* voyage appears much too long, I will only 
oppose the single fact which I have already set forth at page 
175, but which has escaped his observation» that in the lime 
of Herodotus the Carthaginians had a regular intercourse by 
sea with the Gold-coast, to which Hannos voyage of di*. 
cover)- probably first paved the way. 


VI. Fragnwnia of the Account given btf the Carikagi 
commamler lihmlco, of the countries of Europe 
yoml the Pillars of Ilerciiiex, 

TlkttO from Ruru« FtcTitt AvitNi«. Om Marctivm, «d« Vimnfnwnfi 
Poettc Ltttini SUnoTti, toin. **, p. 3. 

Besides the expedition of Hanno, another 
was fitted out at the same time, and sent, for 
the same purpose, to the western coast of 
Europe. A narrative also of this voyage, 
similar to that of Hanno's, was extant in anti- 
quity, but unfortunately has not descended to 
us, Festus Avienus, however, made use of it 
io the above-mentioned metrical composition, 
which was drawn up by him for the instruction 
of his relation Probus, The poem is only 
valuable from its brini^inii: us acquainted v4Ui 
many ancient geographers, but is come down 
to us in a very imperfect state; and ahuost 
seems to have been rather a collection of mate- 
rials, than a finished poem. It is deficient in 
order; contains many repetitions, and the 
author does not appear to have had a clear 
notion of the coast which he describes. See 
the notice of it by Professor Ukert (which 
is rendered more valuable by a map), in fCw- 
graphit der Griechen und Kömer, Th. ii, Abth,i 
the second Appendix. 1 have extracted only 
those passages which relate to the document of 
Hanno and Carthage. 


* Piiivii, ii, 67. Et Hanuo, Caitbagtuis poteoba Aorente, ciin*' 
veclus a Gadibuj» nd Jiueiu AmUi«, naviga^tiooem eaoi prodidit w;n|«> 
«icul md ext«ni Kurt^p» noscenda oJi»u^ eodorn lemiHJir liiitnlcon. 



L Ora Maritima, v, 80—130. 

Terrae patentis orbis effuae jacet, 
Orbique rursiis unda circumfunditur 
Sed qua profundum semet iosinuat salum 
Oceano ab usque, ut ji^urges bic nostri maris 
Lonige explicetur, est Atlauticus siiius. 
Hie Güddir urbs est, dicta Tartessus prius : 
Hie Stint Coluuinse pertinacis Herculis, 
Abila atque Culpe : * • • • 
• « « * • «* # ' 

Et promineotis hie jugi surgit caput, 

((Estrymiliii islud dixit tevum antiquius) 

Molesque celsa saxei fastigii 

Tota in tepentem maxiDie verj^it not um. 

Sub bujus autem prominent!» verticc 

Stnu» dehiscit iiicolis CEstrymniciis, 

In quo ifisultc sese exserunt (Estrimiifdes, 

Laxe jacentes, et metallo divites 

Stanni atque pkimbi» muta vi& hie geutis est, 

Superbus animus, efficax sollertia 


Ora Maritima, v. 80—130. 

Wlierc tbe ocean Hood presses in, and spreads wide the 
Mediterranean waters, lies the Atlantic bay'; here stands 
Gadira, of old called Tartessus ; here the Pillars of Hercules, 
Abyla, left of Libya, and Calpe «. • • • * ♦ H^Te rises the 
head of the promuiitory, in iddeu limes named CEstrymnon **, 
and below, tbe like-named hay and isles * ; wide they stretch 
and are rich in metals, tin, and lend. There a numerous race 
of men dwell, endowed with spirit, and no slight industry, 

' The bay bfitweea Cape Vincent and Trafal^r. 

B Somelhiog h here probably left out, iis he likevt^ise raeDtioa» a *tcouä 

t» Tbe protnoDtory of (Estrymnon roust be «ought for on the north cofist 
of Spain. We may take it for Cap Fiuis Terrtr^ or ^me oiher ; for how 
can aa iccurate statement be expected, where the poet himself seems to 
have bad bnl a very conlused idea of the subject ? 

' Sinus QislryinaK'us, el Itisulw? Uisliy iimklw. 


Negotundi cura jugis omnibus : 
Notiaque cymbis turbidum late fretuin» 
Et bellumi gurgiteoi oceani aecanU 
Non hl carinas quippe pinu texere, 
Aoereve norunt, non abiete, ot usus eat^ 
Curvant ftiselos : sed rei ad miiaculufn 
Navigia janctia (lemper aptant pellibos, 
Oirioque vastum «epe percurrunt saluin. 
A»t liijic duobufi in «acram (mc insulam 
Dixcre prisd) solibus cursus rati est< 
Hii5c inter undas multam cespitem jacet» 
Eamque late gens Hibemoram oolit. 
Ptopinqua nireuä insula AJbionum pAet. 
Tartessiisque in terminos G^^strymnidum 
Negotiandi moa erat : Carthoginis 
Ktiom coloni, et vulgua» inter Herculis 
Agitanü columnas, baec adibant a^quora : 
Qua* Himilci» Paenua mensibus vix quatuoTj 
üi ipsf sein et re probasae retulit 
Enavi{<ranteni, poflse transmittt adserit* 
Sic nulla lute flabra propellunt ratem, 
Sic segnis huniar ufquoris pigri stupet, 
Adjicit et illud, phinmum inter gnrgitea 
Exstare fucum, et 88ppe virgulti vice 
Retinere puppim. Dicit hie nihilominus, 
Non in profundum terga demitti maris, 

busied all in tlie cnre» üf trade alone. They navigate the M* 
on tbeir barlcBj built not of pines or oak, but wondrous ! mwit 
of skin» and leather. Two day«* long is the voyage thence to tic 
Holy Island, nnve m called, which lies expanded on the sf«. 
the dwelling of the Hibernian race : at hand lies the isle d 
Albion ^. Of yore the trading voyag;es from Tartessus reachel 
to the CEstrini Hides ; but the Carthaginians and their colonic» 
near the Pillars «>f Hercules», navigated on this sea, w 
Himilco, by his own account, was upon during fuur mom 


* Tbtec «UteraimU clearly »how. thai the (Enrymnidä UUnd» 

situate in the neighbourhoot! of ilihernia otwl Allian , tliey onl V >P^ 
with the SctUy tslünds, which are eighty miles from the Itiah, 


Parvoque aquarum vix «upertexi solum ; 
Obire semper hue et hue ponti feras, 
Navigia lynta et laugiiide repenlia 
Interimtore belluas. 

IL V. 263—274. 
— ^Namque ex ea 


Gerj'ona quondam nuncupatum accepimus. 
Hie ora hite sunt sinus Tartessii ; 
DIctoque ab amni m baec locormin puppibua 
Via est diei : Gaddir hie est oppidum : 
Nam Punicnnim lin^^u conceptum locum 
Gaddir voejbat, ipsa Tartessus prius 
Cognomiuata est ; multa et opulens ci vitas 
^vo vetusto, nunc cgena, nunc brevis. 
Nunc destitiita, nunc ruinarum a^er est. 
Noa hoc locorum, prjeter Uerculaneam 
SoUenixitateni, vidimus miri nihil. 

III. V, 304— 317. 

Gerontis arcem et prominens fani, ut supra 
Sumus elocuti distinet medium Salum ; 

for here no wind wafted the bark, so motionless stood the 
indolent wave. Sea-weed abounds in this sea, he says, and 
retard» the vessel in her course ; while the monsters of the 
deep swarm around. 

II. V. 26a— 274. 

. Far off is seen Geryon's hold ; here wide expands the 

bay of Tarlessus, and from the river thither is one day's 
voyage ; here lies the town of Gadira^ of yore called Tartes- 
SU8 ; then great and rich, now poor and fallen ; where I saw 
nought great but Hercules' festival. 

II L V. 304^^17. 

Geryon s fort and temple overtops the sea ; a line of rocks 
crownn the bay : near the second rock disembogues the river. 



Interque celsa cautium cedit ginus. 
Jugum ad secundutn tlumen amplum evciMtar : 
TarteHsiorum roona dchiiic attollitur 
SiWh opaciifl» hinc Erythea e«t insula 
Diffusa globain, et juris olim Pujiici : 
Httbuere primo quippe eam Carthagini* 
PmcB oolcmi : iaterfiu«que ncinditur 
Ad coutiuentem quinque per stadia smkIp 
Erytheu ab axce, qua diei occasue est» 
Veneri marineD fonnecrata est uisukj 
Templumque in ilia Veneris et penetnd cavtun, 
Oracul unique. 

IV. V, 375-412. 

Ultra has Columuaä, prupter Europa? latus, 
Vicos et urbes incolo^ Carthaginis 
Tenuere quondam : mos at ollis hie erat, 
Ut planiure texereiit fun do rates^ 
Quo cymbu tergum fudor brevius maris 
Prailaberetur, porro in occidunm plogum 
Ab his colunrnis gurgitem esse interminum. 
Late patere pelogus^ extendi saluio, 
Himilco trudit. NuHus hwc »diit freta^ 
Nullus carinas aequor illud intulit. 

Close by rise» the Tartessus* mount bedecked with wood. 
Next follows tlie island Erythea, ruled by the Carthaginiaiw. 
for in early days the Curthaginian« had there nlanled a 
colony» The arm of the sea, which divides it from the coo- 
tinetit and from the furt^ is but five stadia broad ^ The isbnii 
is sacred to Marine Venus, it contains her temple end omde' 

IV. V. 375—412. 

Beyond the Piilars, on Europe*« cjoast, Carthage's peö|J* 
of yore possessed many towns and places. Their pmciioe w» 

) Therefore a «mall iolel near TartMias. Itke the opposite coatfjp*'* 

liai« St, Pedro, opposite Chicklaoa. 
■" Probably Astttite: &ec abuve, p. 140. 


DcMiit quüd alto Habra propel lent iu, 
Nullunquf puppim Spiritus cceli jiivet : 
Deliinc nuod aitljrum quodam umiclu vestiat 
Caligo, semper nebula condat giirgitem. 
Et crassiore nubilui« prsestet die, 
Oceonu» iste est, orbis efliisi procul 
Circum latrator« iste pontus maximu». 
Hie gurges ora» ambiens, hie intimi 
Sal is iiirigator, hie parens nwstri ntariis. 
PleroBqiie quippc extrinseais cnrvat siDua, 
Nostrwmque in orbem vis pmfundi illabitur, 
Sed nos loquenmr maximos tibi quattuor. 
Prioia hojus ergu in cespitem inj*inuatio est 
IJesperius apstuSj atque Atlanticwm salum; 
Hyrcana rureus unda, Caspiuin mare ; 
Salum IndJcorum, terga fluctus PefHici ; 
Arabsque gurges üub tepeiite jam Not«. 
Hiiiic usus olim dixit Oceanum vetua, 
Aiterque dixit mos Atlunticum mare. 
Longo explicatur gurges hujus Am bit u^ 
Produciturque latere prolixe vago, 
Plerumque porro tenne tenditur salum. 
Vi ?ix arenas Bubjacentes occulat. 
Exsuperat autem gurgitem fucus frequeos, 
Atque impt'ditur icstus bic uligine ; 
Vis belluanim polagus omiie internatat, 
JVIultusque terror ex feris habitat freta. 


to build fiat-bottomed barks, for the convenience of navi- 
gating shallows ; but westward, as Hiniilco tells us, is open 
sea ; no hhip has yet ventured on this sea, where the windy 
galcis do not waft her, and tbick fogs rest on the waters. It 
IB tlie ocean which far roars around the land ; the unbounded 
sea, — ^This the Carthaginian Hiniilco saw himself; and from 
the Puiiic records I have taken what I tell thee. 



To the Carthaginian documents also belongs 
a Punic inscription, which professor Hainacke 
of Leyden, Diatribe aliquot monumentorum nupcf 
in Africa rcperlorum inter pretationem e.rftibem, 
Lugd Bat, 1822, refers to the vintage; but 
counsellor G, Kopp (Heidelberg Year-book. 
1824), on the contrary, takes it, I think rightly, 
for an epitaph, and translates it : Deptoramt 
famiiia traditam (positumj dum operata est fin" 
tulit) ad tapidem twstrum. Baal Haman (Deui 
Solisj vos subjecit succidendo tempora. Lev 
{fat urn) Ilassad JUium Abamet subjccii. The 
inscription should be compared with that of 
Bres, published in Malta Antica. Another 
epitaph, given by bishop Munster, is so un- 
certain, that professor Kopp could form no 
judgment respecting it. It makes mention of 
a college of priests. 




VII. Fragments of the Works of Mag o on Husband tif. 

(S<e« above, p. 1 09.) 

[I deem it advisable, on many accounts, to 
give here a collection of the fragments of the 
only works of Carthaginian literature of which 
any remains are extant. The information 
which may be deduced from them is very in- 
teresting. They plainly evince that agriculture 
was considered in Carthage as the most 
honourable employment, and was followed by 
the first men in the state. It farther appears 
that every branch of husbandry, and certainly 
with such helps to human industry as were 




then known, was cultivated. It is also evident 
that the work of Mago was not the only one of 
this kind, as Hamilcar and the Carthaginian 
writers in general, are mentioned with him 
(No. 16). How much indeed most have been 
written previously, to complete a work like that 
of Mago's in twenty-eight books! Its value is 
sufficiently evident from the testimony of Colu- 
mella, who calls Mago the father of Husbandry. 
Should some of his rules not seem convincing 
to our agriculturalists, it must be remembered 
that he wrote in Africa, and that therefore they 
cannot fairly judge of his works, without some 
knowledge of the soil and climate. 

The name of Mago and Hamilcar were very 
common among the Carthaginians. Which 
Mago and Hamilcar are in this case to be 
understood, we are not informed ; thus much, 
however, we know, they were both renowned 
generals, who devoted the leisure which their 
profession of arms left them, to agriculture. But 
that this Hamilcar was not the father of Hanni- 
bal, will be readily acknowledged by every one, 
who remembers that the latter must have 
passed the greater part of his life out of his 
native country. I think I do not err in taking 
this Mago, to be the same with the general, 
who first established the dominion of Carthage 
(Justin, xix, 2), who was contemporary with 
Cyrus, and the founder of that house which 
for above a century stood at the head of the 
republic, and whose genealogy 1 have given in 



the next appendix. Hamilcar, then, would 
his son, and the same who fell in battle, 480] 
B. C. against Gelon in Sicily. And besides, ii 
my conjecture, which I think hio^hly probable, 
be admitted, that Hanno and Himilco, who 
founded colonies in Africa and Europe, and 
explored their coasts, were his sons, it will 
throw a stream of light upon the most brilliant 
period of Carthaginian history ; and account 
for the aggrandizement of a state, with a family _ 
of heroes at its head, which, during three ■ 
generations, gave it chiefs, illustrious for their 
deeds as generals, writers, and adventurers; and 
who with the noble simplicity of the truly 
great, and therein only faithful to their nature, 
returned to the ploughshare when their country 
no longer needed their services,] 

L From Varro de Re Rustica, 

1 . The worth (mbilitas) of the writers hitherto 
quoted, is eclipsed by Mago the CarthaginiaD, 
in the Funic language, as he comprised 
the subject in its various branches in twenty- 
eight books, which Cassius Dionysius of Utica, 
translated into Greek in twenty books, and seot 
to tlie pretor Sextius, whereto he added many 
things from the above-mentioned Greek writer»» 
and omitted eight of the books of Mago. Di'>- 
phanes brought these from Bithynia, in six 
books, and sent them to king Dejotarus. 
Vaiüio, i, 1, 10. 




2. Mago and Dionysius wrote, that mares 
and female mules do not bring forth till twelve 
months after tliey have been impregnated. 
Varho, i, 1, 27. 

3, Upon the health of black cattle I have 
borrowed a good deal from the books of Mago, 
which I make my herdsmen carefully read, 
Vahro, ii, 3, 18. 

4, There are two sorts of feeding; one upon 

the lands for black cattle, the other in the farm- 

^ yard for poultry, doves, bees, etc. Of these 

W Mago of Carthage and Cassins Dionysius have 

treated in several parts of their works, Sejus 

I of Sicily seems to have read these, and to have 

drawn much information from them upon farm- 

I ing, as others also have upon the management 

' of manors and estates in general. Vahro, iii^ 

ma, 13. 


II. From Columella de Re Rtisttca* 

6. Diophanes from Bithynia has collected 
together, in six books, the whole of Dionysius 
of Utica, the translator of the Carthaginian 
Mago, whose works till many volumes. Col. 
1, 1, 10. 

n. But, in addition to those mentioned, we 
would honour above all, Mago the Carthaginian, 
the father of husbandry, whose twenty-eight 


well-kuQwn books, in co&isequeoce o(u»matm 
mmuUi, have been rendered ioto Latin* C 
i. 1, 13. 


7, This I believe is what Mago the Cartbi- 
gtüiati would express, who begins his wort 
with the following sentence : '* Who would bay 
an estate, let him sell his bouse, that he maj 
no longer be encumbered with his tuwo-huuse, 
but give himself up e :irely to that upon his 
land. He to whom ati abode in the citv lies 
close at heart, !ias i ueed of a cuuncn 
estate/' ^ 

8, Democritus and Wago praise a nordi 
aspect for the vine ; seause they believe il 
bears most in this situai on. But iu goodness 
it will not surpass others. Coi., iv, 12, 5. ^ 

9, In the planting of vines, let the sides of 
the trenches every now and then be lined with 
stones, which should not, however, be above 
five pounds' weight. For these, says Mago. 
keep out the wet in winter, and in the summer 
the moist and damp from the roots.— Even so 
this writer is of opinion, that the pressed out 
grapes, mixed with dung, strength eus the seed 
laid in the earth, because it draws new roots; 
but this in w et and cold weather warms at the 
proper time, and in summer nourishes the 
young vines, and makes them fruitful, 'f' 
however, the soil in which the vine is set 1>^ 



►oor» then must rich earth be found and put in 
ihe trenches. Col. iii, 15, 4» 5. 

!0. For the pruning of the vine once every two 

ears suits very well. The best time, however. 

[fts Mago says, is the spring» before the shoots 

[become long, because, being still full of sap, 

they may be easiest and most evenly cut, and 

:hey do not oppose the sickle. Col. iv, 10. 

1 1 . Mago the Carthaginian adds also to the 
•ule for setting the vine : that the seed being 
lanted, the trench should not be immediately 
illed up, but half of it left till the following 
^ear; by which, be says, the root of the 
dant is forced to strike downwards. Col, v, 
Iß, 4. 

12. In the purchase of cattle for the plough, 
there are certain rules for the farmer to attend 
to, which Mago the Carthaginian has thus laid 
[down for his instruction. The steer should be 
young, strong, with large joints ; long, blackish, 
.and stiff horns; broad and curled forehead, 
rough ears, black eyes and lips, white and 
distended nostrils, long and bowed neck, white 
dewlap, which should hang down to the knees, 
a broad chest, strong hoofs, a spacious belly, 
extended sides, broad loins, exact and even 
pace, round buttocks, straight legs, not far 
asunder, and rather short than long, stiff knees, 
long and hairy tail, a short and thick head, red 

L 1 

514 .-APPENDIX, 

or brown colour, and easy to catch< 

Col. Ti, 

13. The castration of calves should be per 
formed, according to Mago, while they are 
young, and not with an iron, but with a split 
rod, with which the testicles should be pressed 
together and gradually squashed. See farther 
in CoL. vi, 26, 1, sqq. 

1 4 . Some writers, not to be passed by, as Cato. 
and before him Mago and Dionysius, mention^ 
that the foaling of she-mules was so far from 
being considered a prodigy in Africa, that it 
was almost as common as that of mares* Coi. 
iv, 37, 3. 


15. Mago, as well as Democritus and VirgH] 
asserts, that in the belly of a slaughtered yoi 
cow, at certain times, bones are found, 
asserts that it also happens in the paunclT 
oxen. CoL. ix, 15. 3» 

16. Some are of opinion, that among be^ - ^ 
the ancient brood should be entirely destroyed, 
which I, referring to Mago, do not maintaifl 
CoL. ix, 15, 3. 

17. History informs us that neither the C^ 
thaginian or Greek writers (upon farming) ^ 
even the Roman, have neglected to attend tt, 
small matters. For Mago the Carthaginiaßr^j 




Hamilcar, held it not beneath thetr dignity, 
when they were unoccupied by war, to contri- 
bute thereby their quota towards human life. 
Col. xii, 4, 2. 

18. Mago gives directions for making the 
very best sort of wine (passttm optimum), as I 
myself have done. Take bunches of grapes, 
quite ripe, and well boiled ; take away the dry 
or faulty parts ; form a frame of stakes or forks, 
spreading thereon a layer of reeds ; spread the 
grapes upon these, and place them in the sun, 
covering them at night from the dew. When 
they are dry, pluck off the berries, throw them 
in a cask, and make of them the first must. 
If they have well drained, put them the sixth 
day in a vessel, press them, and take the (first) 
wine. After adding thereto must, quite cold, 
the berries must be again pounded and pressed* 
The second wine may then be placed in a 
pitched vessel, lest it become sour. After 
twenty or thirty days, when it has fermented, 
clear it off into another vessel, whose cover must 
be immediately stopped close, and covered with 
a skin. CoL. xii, 39, I, 2. 

19. Mago the Carthaginian directs, that the 
pomegranate should be dipped in hot water, 
tiheu rubbed with flax or tow till they lose their 
Ciolour ; they are next to be dried in the sun 
tor three days» and afterwards hung up in a cool 
(Dlace. Before being used they must be soaked 




in cold sprinj^ water for a night or day* He 
also recommends that they should be smeared 
over» when fresh, with thick chalk, and 
hung up in a cool place; before using, steep 
them in water to get off the chalk. He also 
gives another method, which is to lay them by 
layers in a new earthen vessel^ strewing saw- 
dust between every layer, till the vessel be full, 
then place on the cover, which must be care- 
fully smeared over with thick glue. Col, xii, 
44, 5, 6. 

20. Mago recommends that the palm-tree 
should be planted in a dry soil, soon after the 
autumnal equinox, before the shortest day. 
Col. de Arb. 17, 1. 

IIL From Palladius de Re Ruitica. 

21. Mago advises that the trench in whick 
vines are planted, should not be filled up at 
once, but gradually, which causes the roots to 
strike the deeper. Pallad. Feb. x, 3. 

22. Mago gives instructions for the castrati( 
of calves, etc. (see above. No. 12). Pallai 
Maj. vii, 1. 

IV» From the 'inniA'TPiKA, Basil, \^iS6, 

23. When a horse suffers from violei 
asthma (SuW^t^i) he draws in one side hifiC] 



are dull, if not both, at least the right one, his 
mouth is hot, and he stumbles in his gait. 
This disease, if taken at the beginning, may 
with proper care be easily cured. Examine 
therefore^^ closely, the shape of the horse ; if he 
draws in his right side, he will be soon healed, 
but if he draws in the left it is a chance if he 
gets over it. One of his veins must be opened, 
and a draught administered composed of crocus, 
—^myrrh, nard, white pepper, pure honey, old 
Boil, resin-oil (ix<./«w ^o8/«v), seethed together in 
honey water. Medkinw Veierinari, lib. ii, p. 95. 


V. From Plinii Hist. NaiuraL 

24. Among the trees which are raised from 
kernels, Mago is particularly copious upon 
nuts. Almonds should be planted in soft loam, 

(towards the south. They thrive best in hard^ 
warm soils, in rich and damper ones they be- 
come unfruitful, or die. The best sort to plant 
are the sickle-tbrmed, after they have been 
k three days soaked in muddy water. They 
should be set with the top downwards; the 
sharp side towards the north : they are planted 
in triangles, a palm from each other ; and 
watered every ten days till they 

should be 
become of 

a good size. Plin. xvii, 1 1 

25. Mago recommends that poplars should 
►e planted in trenches, which have been pre- 



pared a year before, whereby they imbibe the 
sun and rain. If this direction is not followed, 
let a fire be made therein two months before 
planting, which must only be done after raio. 
Plin. xvii, 16. 

26. Mago says of olive trees, that they should 
be planted seventy-five feet from each other; 
or, in hard soil, exposed to the wind, at least 
forty-five feet. Pun. xvii, 19. 

27. Mago says that the olive tree should be 
planted upon hills, in dry and stiff' soil between 
autumn and winter. In rich and damp soil 
between harvest and winter. It may easily be 
seen that these directions were intended for 
Africa. Puv. xvii, 30, 

28. Even kings have written upon agricul- 
ture, as Hiero, Attalus Philometor, and Arche- 
laus; also generals, as Xenophon, and Mago 
the Carthaginian, whose work was so honoured 
by the senate, that when, after the conquest of 
Carthage, it sent the libraries of that city 
to the king s there, it caused his work io 
twenty-eight books to be translated into Latin, 
by persons well acquainted with the Fume 
language, among whom D. Silanus, belonging 
to one of the first families, surpassed all olUen^» 
Plin. xviii, 7. 

29. Mago goes rather beyond the mark, aii J 






not according to what is evidently best, when 
he desires, that he who would take a farm 
should sell his house. As he, however, thus 
opens his preface, he shows at least, that it 
requires great industry and attention. Plin. 
xviii, 7. 

30. Concerning the manner of grinding or 
pounding, Mago says, that maize should be first 
sprinkled with water, then cleaned, then dried 
in the sun, and pounded in a mortar. Barley 
the same. Twenty measures thereof should be 
moistened with two measures of water. Lentils 
should be first dried, then lightly pounded with 
the bran ; vetches just the same. Sesame must 
be first soaked in warm water, then rubbed and 
thrown into cold, when the chaft will float on the 
top; it must then be dried in the sun upon 
linen cloths. Plin. xviii, 23. 

31. Mago directs that the albucum should be 
mown, if it has blown, at the end of March or 
beginning of April. He also says, the Greeks 
named pistana^ (what we call adder's-tongue») 
arrow-head, among the Sagittaria, Plin. xxi, 
68, 69. The farther translation of the passage, 
which shows how accurately Mago treated of 
the various sorts of plants, requires botanical 
explanations. The above shows that he was 
not unacquainted with Greek literature. 


Vin. Oh the genealogy of the ruUng homaet qf 


The whole tenor of Carthaginian history and 
govern men! is much easier apprehended by oüf 
observing, that even in the most flourishing 
times of the republic, before the commence- 
ment of the Roman wars, single families, 
throughout many generations, stood at its head. 
Among these, as is mentioned in the text, the 
first and most important is that of Mago, which 
for one hundred and fifty years gave generals to 
the republic. The genealogy of these houses 
is interwoven with great difficulties, because ia 
Carthage there were no family names, and the 
descent of each member can only be known by* 
the father's name being stated. It may, however, 
and especially ofthat of the house Mago, be col- 
lected from Justin and Diodorus, as the follow- 
ing attempt will show, in which I have set 
down the authority for every statement. 

L Mago, the founder of the house, became 
also the founder of the Carthaginian predomi- 
nancy, by the introduction of military discipline 
and tactics in the army. Justin, xix, L As 
his sons were contemporary with Darius Hy- 
staspes, he must have been the contemporary of 
Cambyses and Cyrus, between 550 — 500 B.C 
He left behind him two sons, Hasdrubal and 
Hamilcar, who inherited at the same time his 
power and greatness. They were engaged in iht 



African and Sicilian wars, 
first of them 

Justin, xix, 1. The 

2, Hasdrubal, was eleven times general, 
and four times enjoyed triumphs. Justin, 
xix, 1 . He fell, sorely wounded, in Sardinia, 
when the command descended to his brother 

3. Hamilcar. This general carried on ex- 
tensive wars in Sicily, during which, ambassa- 
dors came to Carthage from Darius. He was 
killed in the Sicilian wars (Justin, xix, 2) 
while contending with Gelon of Syracuse, 480 
B. C. Herod, vii, 165. Diod. i, p. 420, 

Each of these brothers left behind three sons. 
Justin, xix, 2. Those of Hasdrubal were 

4. Hannibal. 5. Hasdrubal. 6. Sap- 
pho, All three generals, probably in Africa, 
against the native tribes, by which Carthage 
was freed from paying tribute, Justin, xix, 2. 

The three sons of Hamilcar» were Himilco, 
Hanno, and Gisco. Justin, xix, 2. The first: 

7. HiMiLco succeeded to his father in the 
command in Sicily ; lost his army by a pesti- 
lence ; and killed himself, Justin, xix, 2, 3, 
(Other historians relate the latter as happening 
to the younger Himilco, the grandson, No. 11. 
It is therefore very probable that Justin has 
here made a mistake.) 



8. Hanno, the second son of Hamilcar, has 
nothing mentioned respecting him by Justin 
except bis name. According to a conjecturet 
not improbable, he is held to be the author of the 
celebrated Peri pi us, in which case, his brother 
Himitco would be the author of the other Peri- 
plus, (now lost,) along the coast of Spain, See 
above p. 99. He must not be confounded with 
the Hanno mentioned by Justin, xx» 5, and 
xxi, 4 ; but it is yery probable that he is the 
father of Himilco spoken of under No, 11, 


9. Grsco, the third son of Hamilcar, id 
known with certainty from history; as well bs 
from Justin, xix, 2, and Diod. i, p. 574, 588. 
Through the defeat of his father, he wag unfor- 
tunately doomed to exile, and closed his life at 
Selinus. Diod. 1. c. He had a son named 

10. Hannibal, Diod, i, p. 590, A suc- 
cessful commander in the Sicilian wars, 410 
B, C, He was again elected general 406, in the 
first war against Dionysius I. and chose as his 
colleague, on account of his own great age, bis 

11. Himilco (or, as he is oftener called. Ha* 
milcar) the son of Hanno, of the same family 
Diod, i, p. 603. It seems therefore very likely 
that he was the son of HannibaPs father's bro- 
ther, Hanno; but at all events of the house of 
Mago. He prosecuted the war with success, ami 
brought it to a close in 405, It can scarcely 





be doubted but it was this same Himilco, 
who, in the second war with Dionysiiis I, 398, 
obtained, as king, the command of the Cartha- 
ginians, DioD, i, 681, but who, in the year 396, 
losing his army by the plague, secured a safe 
retreat for the Cartliaginians that still survived, 
and left the hired troops to shift for themselves. 
After his return to Carthage he made away 
with himself. DfoD. i, p. 700, 701. 

It seems very probable that with this Himilco 
his house fell into decay, at least there is no 
proof that the later generals belonged to it. 
His successor in the command was Mago, 
DiOD. i, p, 711, whose father is not named. 
He closed the war 392, by a treaty. Diod, ib. 
In the third war against Dionysius, 333 B, C. 
he again obtained the command as king ; but 
was slain and lost. His son, of the same name, 
quite a youth, was his successor, Diod. ii, p. 
15, who successfully ended the war in the 
le year, by a treaty. 

So far as can be gathered from the fragments 
that are left of the history of Carthage for the 
succeeding periods, there do not seem to be 
any single ruling house previous to the time of 
Hamilcar Barca, that maintained itself so long 
at the head of the government as that of Mago. 
What little is left to be said respecting the con- 
sanguinity of the chiefs and generals of the 
republic is as follows : 

In the war against Timoleon we read of, as 



generals, Mago, who lost the command through 
a defeat, and killed himself. 341 B. C; Plij- 
TARCH. Op, i, p. 244. It IS uncertain whether 
this be the same Mag^o who put an end to the 
war in the year 383. He was succeeded by 
Hasdrubal and Harailcar, slain by TimoleoD, 
340 B, C, Plutarch, i, p. 248. Their family 
is unknown. 

Another house now raised itself, and became 
so powerful as to endanger the public liberty; 
that of Hanno, who had one son Gisco, and 
he again two sons, Hamilcar^ and one, whose 
name is not stated, who was the father of 

1. Of Hanno, the founder of this family, 
nothing is known, if we do not take him for the 
Hanno whose unsuccessful attempt at a revo- 
lution, 340 B. C. is described by Justin, xxi, 
4. We must to be sure, in that case, change 
what Justin says, namely, that all his sons were 
executed with him» to a sentence of banish- 
ment, from which his son Gisco might then be 
recalled in the same year, 340, Perhaps this 
opinion will be strengthened by the reproach 
which Bomilcar cast upon the Carthaginians 
for their injustice, Justin, xxii, 7, when he 
takes the examples from his own family, and 
among them Hanno. However this may be, 
Hanno had a son named 

2. Gisco, who was recalled from exile 



border to take command, 340 B. C. Diodohljs, 
ii» p. 144 ; Plutarch, in Timol. Op. i, p. 248. 
One of his sons 

3. Hamilcär, (Justin, xxii, 23,) a Cartha- 
ginian of the highest rank, Diodohus, ii, 
p. 399, was general against Agathocles in 
Sicily, but being made prisoner by the Syra- 
cusans, he was by them put to death. Diod. 
ii, p. 426. Justin, xxii, 7, confounds hira 
with another Hamilcar, who chiefly supported 
Agathocles, but who is carefully distinguished 
from him by Diodorus. 

4. His Brother (whose name is not any- 
where mentioned) is only known by being the 
father of 

5. BoMiLCAR, who, according to Justin, 
xxii, 7, wishing to desert to Agathocles, was, 
on that account, put to death by the Cartha- 
ginians, 308 B, C, But, according to Diod. 
ii, p. 473, this happened because he wished to 
obtain the chief authority by force. 





For the next sixty years after this, when 
the house of Barca attained the lead, from 
247 B. C, there was no ruling family in 
Carthage. The genealogy of this house, con- 
sisting of Hamilcar Barca, the son of Hannibal 
(of whom we know nothing farther), his son-in- 
law Hasdrubal, and his three sons, Hannibal, 
Hasdrubal, and Mago, is generally known. 
While of the family of Hanno the Great, which 
so long maintained a preponderance, history 
has preserved no account.